Aida Kidane Interview with Haile Menkerios 24.10.2004
Question: When did you join the struggle?
I went to field early 1973.
Question: Why did you go?
You have to understand there was a lot of idealism, student
movement, and it was not only I but many students. It was a duty which we
happily accepted. We knew that harsh life was expecting us. We decided that we
should be examples to all Eritreans for such a commitment. I was in graduate
school then. We were the first ones going from here. We were about 5 who
started but only I and another friend went to field.
We went through Yemen to field since we had contact with field.
Aboi Welde Ab was in Cairo in the PLF- Peoples Liberation Forces- office. The
ELF and PLF were in civil war then. Going to Sudan was falling into the hands
of the ELF and the main office of PLF was in Democratic republic of Yemen –
Aden. There was another office in Beirut too, in these 3 countries. In Cairo
office was Taha Mohammed Nur, Osman Sabbe himself in Beirut and fighters in
Yemen who had direct contact with field. And anyone joining field goes through
Yemen in those days.
So we went to Cairo and then to Yemen. From there we took a
small boat, a fisherman’s dhow across the Red Sea to the Eritrea-Sudan border
to Sahel, and at nighttime. While in the US, we had contact with field through
members as Tsegai Khasai had come, and also Mahmoud Sherifo and Gebre Medhin
Gidey who were in Kassala. We had contact with them from end of 1970 and 71,
and after they went to field we had contact through Aboi Welde Ab and Taha.
All the fighters split from ELF. Some went to Ala, others in
small groups to the Sudan when killing started. Those PLF1 mostly Red Sea
people, were taken by Sabbe to Aden and then to field. Sherifo had stayed in Kassala,
and we corresponded with him. Then Gebre Medhin went to Cairo.
When I joined the front, there was no regular military
training. We were joining in small numbers, 2 or 3 in one time. At daytime
those not trained were called out to the riverbanks and we got some military
exercise as we went along and at nights we slept in hills. Then a large group
of about 30 came from inside Eritrea and we had a 2-week training together in a
place called Arag, in Sahel.
We heard of the civil fighting of Geregir and that the
Sudanese had told the Eritreans to get inside Eritrean border. When we reached
Eritrea, there were fighters waiting for us since supplies and weapons too were
brought with us. They told us of having heard shooting in Geregir when coming
to us that our forces must have moved camp. The civil strife continued when we
were there for 6 months.
There was registration of newcomers, written in notebooks,
not properly as was later used. One to be fighter is already known of, coming
to Yemen. For those joining from inside Eritrea, the town agents gathered them
in Bahri. The person’s name and background are known then and proceed to Sahel.
The PLF 1 (Shabia) were about 150 man strong and PLF 2 (Selfi) about 120 and
Obel 20-30 men. All sides had their circles, it was not totally integrated
then. We the new ones and the 30 other
new ones and some coming in few numbers had made training for 2 weeks,
numbering to about 50. This is a large number of force that reorganisation
(tekhlit) was made, and a new haili (platoon) formed.
Then, I and Mehari Gimatsion from the USSR were told that we
should go abroad and organize students, workers etc organizations and to return
to Europe. I did not want the job after coming determined to fight in the
field. It was better to send a veteran fighter who had many experiences because
we cannot be called fighters in only 6 months’ time.
While we were at the river side, there had been a long-time
competition between Selomon W Mariam and two leadership members, Tewelde Eyob
and Asmerom Gerezghier. Selomon was an active person who used to make cliques
of his own, he was a city man with connections with civil organizations, not
much a military man.
Tewelde Eyob was the strongest of the three and Asmerom was
not much educated or active, but they were regarded militarily leadership by
the fighters. As the country had feudal society, people depended more on
persons from their region. Selomon was rumoured on being a regionalist and had
sometime spoken the Akele Guzai being more numerous. We were surprised that
such backward thoughts were in field, even Eritrea was seeming little for us
let alone think in region, and we did not know who was from where.
All soldiers slept in hill tops while the leadership rested
in riverbank guarded making it not easy for the enemy to enter. Water was so
important it had to be well guarded surrounding the area lest the enemy control
the water areas. We were expecting to be sent abroad. We had come to understand
the confrontations of Selomon on one side and Tewelde and Asmerom on the other
side. One day, Selomon came to us and said that from now on he will eat in our group.
The first female fighters Dehab and Werku were already with us.
As we were distributed radios, Selomon took our radio. I
asked him why he did not use the leadership’s radio than ours because we wanted
to hear news too. He answered no, theirs is the mesafinti (feudal) radio, and I
was shocked that the leadership had such disagreements.
In the daytime next day, I talked to some officers saying we
are seeing a not strong leadership. We had the criticism and self-criticism
customs. That Selomon openly calls the others feudalistic, how could a weak
leadership continue, meaning the whole front is not strongly led. They told me
I should say to Selomon himself and I answered that the leadership makes us
criticizes for the loss of needles and they should together do their own criticism.
I cannot go to Isaias and tell him Selomon calls him a feudalist.
This was the start of the whole situation that expanded into
other matters. This called for a meeting of 12 persons, the leadership, and
some cadres. Isaias wondered why the meeting was called. I was then asked what
happened. I repeated what had happened and said I think the fighters see you as
a solid leadership and matters should come into agreements. These fighters had
long time relationships and said it was Selomon who was feudalist and was
regionalist tendencies too. They talked of past experiences what had happened,
and the majority were against Selomon. Isaias then said that he cannot continue
acting like their priest and the issue must be resolved among these people once
and for all. When he said that, the issue became wider. We were there to
reconcile and the some of the accused cadres and leadership now became the
accusers. We said to them that they could not solve the problem as they were
seen accusing each other and it should be examined. Selomon is accused of being
regionalist, and you who should in between be becoming accusers. We were 7
together. I suggested that those who knew them all should hold a large cadre
discussion. This radio incident was the opener of the conflict history.
Then 52 members from all units and veterans gathered. They
told us to run it and we saw there was a deeper division amongst them, Akele
Guzai and Hamasien divisions. As the front’s strongholds were in Ala and
Semanawi Bahri-Hamasien, it was the people from there who joined in most
numbers. Many from Serae and other regions joined ELF because ELF was in those
areas. Joining the front for many was not an ideology question, but proximity
to join. Many who joined were specifically from Karneshim and Tsena Degle areas
because they lived in these areas.
Selomon had his gangs of supports and Tewelde/Asmerom had
their own gang. It was much later we learnt that Asmerom was from Debarua,
Serae. It is common that people connect to their near folks and feudal
traditions are not overcome yet.
The worst situation came from the educated fighters who did
not like the way the leadership run the front, saying the leadership are
backward and are attacking Selomon for regionalism. That the leadership should
be thoroughly changed, and we should be guided by scientific socialism, saying
this was a national democratic revolution, socialist in character to lead to
communism. These fighters were strongly leftist, with many opinions which we
believed in too. They claimed that the leadership is feudal and Isaias was with
these men that it should be changed. Our aims should be changed making it a
socialist revolution.
The leftists sided with Selomon claiming the leadership
wanted to kill him, to get alliance from the Hamasien side were more in number
and stronger, and gain support from his side. And Selomon became their ally.
In this meeting of the 52 members, the leftists were
attacked saying they are using Solomon’s regionalism to remove him later and
take power because they themselves are regionalists. The leftists wanted to use
the cracks on the leadership. They wanted larger fighters’ meetings and that
the educated should lead etc. This led to the movement known as the ‘Menkae
movement’.
Then Musie Tesfa Mikel from the leftists said these people
use the front as their personal power who ‘pee and make faeces’ as they wished.
Musie was not at loss to use words. They suppress people and charge anyone as
they wish would be it in regionalism or other to kill him. Since we were the
ones who gathered this meeting, we had called fighters who could make changes
from the leadership and Musie and co were one of these. We invited them
specifically too.
When Musie used these words, there was Tsegai Keshi, a
platoon leader, who was against Selomon, though he was Hamasien too. He was a
very forward and honest but uneducated man and no talker. He got so angry
saying ‘now you say this leadership pees and makes faeces!’ and hit Musie on
the head with his rifle butt. This should not have happened, and we demanded
that Tsegai be imprisoned. I, Mehari Girmatsion and a third man were the
responsible for holding this meeting. As it was according to PLF rules, I
myself imprisoned Tsegai. He did not shoot at his comrade but hit him and
putting a guard on him, he was sentenced to punishment.
That became the end of meetings and the leftists said did we
not say so that they pee and have faeces on us. And they took over and Musie
used that. Musie was a smart guy. Thinking about it later, there was nothing
bad about it, it was true.
The traditional leadership did not have capacity to lead,
although they started the military wing. Tewelde Eyob was a good military
leader. Isaias was the only politically capable person. Basically many fighters
had come from the rural areas and the conflict situation had come untimely,
otherwise their opinions were not disagreeable. And that they attacked the
leadership. The timing and way they conducted was not right.
So they went and said that the leadership should go down and
be replaced, we shall have a scientific socialism and we know about it. And the
other side disagreed that Yohannes etc – the leftists- should rule and we
thought it was opportunistic talking only about the leadership.
Their mistake was their arguing on the leadership than
reshape the line, and nobody who knew of it did not oppose changing our ways.
The situation started growing widely and that Musie was hit, as if we too
sanctioned it. What we wanted was taking the right road, recognize the weakness
of the traditional leadership and demanded a congress be made and new
leadership to be elected. We did not have a programme or constitution and we
had the 3 united fronts working in their own rules that the congress becomes
our lead.
But there came confusion in the front and the leadership was
not obeyed and at that time the Ethiopians came on us in Sahel, the 13 day war.
Instead of guerrilla warfare we were forced to fight holding positions.
Petros Selomon and Sebhat Efrem were with the
leftists-Menka at the beginning and were thus imprisoned, and that is the first
time I saw imprisoning of them, as they had wanted to imprison the leadership.
Now all of a sudden, Selomon recognized that these people at the end would
break his post and take it, and turned against them.
The front had now split into three groups. One was the Menka
who claimed that the leadership was old with no knowledge and should be changed
to scientific socialism etc.
The second was Selomon’s group whose region Hamasien were
numerous as they were in the ridge to the front, the Semenawi Bahri. When
one joined the front one who knows him join too and the geographical location
attracted it. These big numbers were the supporters of Selomon. These were
against Isaias and the Menka, even though they sided with the Menka at the
beginning. They had claimed Selomon was to be killed, but they did not want to
glorify Selomon. They started saying Selomon is no different from the others in
the leadership and they should be changed. When Selomon realized this he came
to opposition to them and had to come back to the leadership mould again. Now
the leadership and their supporters built a united front.
Selomon was earlier attacking the Akele Guzai, then
changed and supported the Menkae and again attacked both sides. He was a good
and active organizer of people and started imprisoning fighters.
The third group said the leadership was feudalistic but
should be changed systematically. This would widen the split between the
Hamasien and Akele Guzai.
So, it was an uneasy alliance. There were some from Serae
too, but we did not know them, being too few.
We started talking to Isaias and others that these two
groups are dangerous. We cannot complain on Selomon and the feudalists as we
are surrounded wholly by it. It is a secondary issue which will get better with
education and time, we cannot oppose all these peasants. There must be an
alliance and this extreme leftism will crush us, so we have to create a solid
organisation. We cannot teach communism with the mostly peasants and we started
organising.
This is what eventually created the Party inside the front.
Wedi Selomon and others realized where it was leading and changed sides.
Yohannes-Menka was a man of fists, just like Isaias. But Isaias was a good
military leader who maintained the balance and was aware of the social
traditions. He knew where power was to be taken.
We had united with PLF 1 while the situation was going on
and these were in between and eventually took sides of the third group. And
some of their leadership, particularly Ramadan had a big role. He had balanced
opinions and free from regionalism and religion and far sighted, and Ibrahim
Afa, Ali Said etc were with him.
There had to be a structure because it was a united front,
and a secret socialist party was created, and it went on getting bigger and
took over. When the Menkae became imprisoned, it can be said that the rest
dispersed. The Menkae did not have a big support and there was much persecution
by Selomon.
Our position was that we opposed Selomon’s group and the
extreme leftism that came and being in between was considered biased and was
dangerous and that’s why we organized and Isaias and Ramadan were key in
organising it. And that became the totally dominant force throughout being the
instrument of control and leadership at the beginning. There were no more
Menkae or Yemin. As time went by, the leadership role got less, and instrument
of control got bigger.
Petros and Sebhat had been with the Menkae and when
imprisoning started, they changed positions saying the Menkae were trying to
take power not for the better of the revolution. Now that we know them, it
is us who shall charge them and did so. They were instrumental in organising it
and also the secret Party.
The Menkae were imprisoned for a long time and in 1979
when there was no more support for them, a military committee was formed, the
military tribunal. The party was formed in 1975 and by 1979 it was totally
dominating. The Menkae were charged and killed in secret, and I did not know.
Nobody was told when the killings were done, and they were alive in the
congress of 1976. Some were freed in 1978 as Werku was freed and was brought to us. Maybe they were killed,
and we heard it much later to justify their case, we did not know. That is when
I heard, and it was not officially. Those who knew the whole secret are not
more than 5 or 7.
Because I was in the Zena (news) group, it was basically the
centre of ideology and materials to read. It was after 1976 that the political
office of the Party was formed. When the girls Abeba, Werku and Maasho were
freed 1976 and brought to us that we shall indoctrinate them. I tried to
explain to them that both sides were incorrect, Selomon being Feudal and the
Menka being extremist. Selomon was at his highest. I told them we cannot erase
feudalism now and we cannot fight it head on, but with education and time. But
this extremism is dangerous for the front and lead to its collapse. Dehab and
Aberash were not freed and imprisoned with the rest because they did not repent
and believed their cause was just.
The leadership were few and the issue was taken at that level
and supposedly trusted by the fighters to do the right thing. The Executive
Committee, the Politburo was formed then and made the decision, I was member of
the Central Committee. Things like that were secret as it was a military front.
There were two parallel organisations in the front. The
Party was secret and had its political office, i.e the Politburo, and they also
had a Central Committee. And the front had its politburo and Central Committee.
I was member of the latter, the mass organisation, and never in the secret
Party’s committee. They did not trust the educated fearing they would topple
them.
Some of the secret politburo members were Isayas, Ramadan,
Ibrahim Afa, Ali Said Abdella, Haile Durue, Alamin. Mesfin Hagos was there at
one time. This led to absolute authority of the leader.
Question: In the ‘Destructive Movement of 1973’
supposedly by Isayas, it states that the first female fighters of EPLF were
having problems of upbringings and origins, and that they were spoiled. Was
that the fact you saw?
This is just false accusations. They were with my unit from the start until they were imprisoned. We
were not interested on others’ origins and were thinking in international
socialist ways. They were not in leading positions either. They were idealists
like all of us. Once they were convinced their group were right and did not
want to go against their comrades. Werku and Masho in our unit, Dehab and
Aberash in anotherunit.
