tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-57858538281936393392024-03-17T20:01:27.462-07:00Hedgait هيدقايت ሄድጋይትA digital archive on Eritrea and Ethiopia in particular and on the Horn of Africa, in general Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.comBlogger924125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-52588863542294536592024-03-05T08:28:00.000-08:002024-03-05T08:28:01.927-08:00Sudan: Addis Ababa Declaration between Taqaddum and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF)<p><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="background-color: white; color: var(--ast-global-color-2); font-family: Arial, arial;"><b>Agreement Between the Coordination Body of the Democratic Civil Forces (Taqaddum) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) January 2, 2024</b></span></span></p><p><a href="https://sudantransparency.org/addis-ababa-declaration-between-the-coordination-body-of-the-democratic-civil-forces-taqaddum-and-the-rapid-support-forces-rsf/#:~:text=We%2C%20in%20Taqaddum%20and%20the,prosperity%2C%20solid%20peace%2C%20and%20sustainable">https://sudantransparency.org/addis-ababa-declaration-between-the-coordination-body-of-the-democratic-civil-forces-taqaddum-and-the-rapid-support-forces-rsf/#:~:text=We%2C%20in%20Taqaddum%20and%20the,prosperity%2C%20solid%20peace%2C%20and%20sustainable</a><br /></p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-88743030654273209812024-03-01T11:05:00.000-08:002024-03-01T11:05:18.748-08:00Interviews With US Diplomats Who Served in Eritrea 1950 - 2002<p> </p><p><b>Interviews With US Diplomats Who Served in Eritrea 1950 - 2002 about what they did and their impressions about the country</b></p><p> <span style="font-size: x-large;">Excerpts</span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">EDWARD
W. MULCAHY, Vice Consul Addis Ababa, Ethiopia (1950) Consular Officer,
Asmara (1950-1952) </span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Edward Mulcahy was born in
Massachusetts in 1921. He graduated from Tufts University in 1943, the
Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy in 1947, and served as a first
Lieutenant overseas from 1943 to 1946 in the U.S. Marine Corps. His postings
abroad included Mombasa, Munich, Addis Ababa, Athens, Southern, Tunisia,
Lagos, and Chad. Mr. Mulcahy was interviewed in 1989 by Charles Stuart
Kennedy.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> <b>MULCAHY</b>: This
program in coming to an end within the next few months and I'd just as soon
go back to Africa." I got a private telegram from two friends of
mine in African Affairs who asked if I'd like to open a consulate at Asmara. I
wrote back, "Ready, willing and able; sooner the better." </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">While I was in Kenya I learned a
great deal about Asmara, about Eritrea and the ex-Italian colonies from
some of my British friends who had been in the military service up there in
the campaign against the Italians in East Africa. I knew what a delightful
city Asmara was. On the map it looks dreadful, only this far away on the
map from Massawa which is one of the hell holes of the world climatically
at least. But Asmara is up at 7,600 feet and that's perpetual springtime
there, about the same altitude as Mexico City. So I jumped at the chance of
going there. This was in December of 1949. By the middle of January, I had
my orders transferring me to Addis Ababa. We'd closed up our post at Amberg on
January 10 and I was back in Munich.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> <b>Q: Why were we opening
a post there? Why did we want one in Asmara?</b></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> <b>MULCAHY:</b> We
had had an Army group there, Signal Corps, and Army Security Agency,
since just after Pearl Harbour. The first Army group going out to
establish a small communication station there were on board ship in Cape
Town at the time of Pearl Harbour. The British, who had taken Eritrea from the
Italians, were occupying it by then with a civil administration--a corporal's
guard of colonial service and Indian civil service types who'd left India and
were out of jobs-two British regiments of battalion strength, very small
numbers of British. They kept Italian law and Italian customs but, with minor
changes in force and something like 80 civilians and two regiments and few
policemen, they ran this country of about a million and a half people. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: Was that part of Ethiopia at
that time?</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> <b>MULCAHY</b>: No, it was
not, and what it was to become was the subject of great dispute at
the Big-Five Foreign Ministers' level, the whole question of the
ex-Italian colonies. The reason for the rush in getting me out there,
cancelling the home leave that I was well over-due for, was the fact that the
United Nations Commission of Inquiry, on which we were not represented, was
going out to recommend to the General Assembly what the future of Eritrea
should be. They wanted me to get out there and keep Washington informed on a
daily basis, if possible, what the tilt of the report or recommendations of
this U. N. Commission of Inquiry would be. It consisted of South Africa, Burma,
Guatemala, Norway, and a number of people from the secretariat, including two
Americans. I lived in the hotel, the principal hotel, where they lived and saw
them at practically all meal times and entertained them over at the small
military base, then called Radio Marina. There were about 75 Americans,
counting dependents, at the base then. In the three years I was there it grew
to 400 people. It ultimately grew to 5,000. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: That was Kagnew Station.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> MULCAHY</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">: At that time, it was called Radio Marina because
it was located in a compound occupied before the liberation by the Italian
navy. It was an Italian naval radio station that they took over. But the
married people lived out in the town wherever they could rent houses. Life was
very nice there. We had an APO, a commissary, officers' club, sergeants' club,
enlisted men's club. It was a very nice post. If anyone fouled up, they got
sent home as punishment! Politically, the thing was difficult, because everybody,
including the major powers, had their own view of what should happen. We and
the British favoured the partition of Eritrea when the Moslem northern part of
the country where the people were largely nomadic in any case going to the
Sudan. Most of the tribes spent part of their year in the Sudan and then moved
back into Eritrea during the wet season. The Italians favoured receiving it
back as a trust territory. In the case of Somalia, they received their old
colony back in the form of a trust territory. They favoured that for Eritrea.
The Soviets favoured a trust territory directly administered by the United
Nations, by the Secretary General. Such a thing never happened. We gave up the
idea. Ethiopia wanted to annex the whole thing as a province, as its new
province. The population was divided about evenly, maybe slightly more, maybe
52% or 53% were Coptic Christians, who spoke Tigrinya, the language of the
people in the nearby providence of Tigre in Ethiopia. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">The northern Moslems spoke a
language called Tigre, but they also spoke five other languages, mutually
unintelligible one to the other, for the most part. They were
Semitic languages in the northern half of the territory. Along the coast
there were islands of barely related Hamitic languages. But they spoke
Arabic among themselves, fairly good quality of Arabic, as a
lingua franca. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">While I was there, I learned
Italian, which I needed every day. Everybody needed Italian. That was the
real lingua franca of the country. After I had a good grip on that,
I went on to Arabic. It was the colloquial Arabic of the Red Sea area and a
very useful form of Arabic, close to the classical. Those two languages
would get you just about all over the country and nearby parts of Ethiopia.
There was a great deal of Italian still spoken in Ethiopia in those days.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">My record shows an assignment at
Addis Ababa. Quite true. I had to be assigned someplace until I had a consulate
open in Asmara, so I was attached to the embassy at Addis Ababa, where I spent
a couple of weeks in early February of 1950 and where I called on the emperor
in top hat and morning clothes, borrowed; I didn't own those myself. Ambassador
George Merrill (and later Rives Childs) at Addis Ababa and their staff were
very generous in their support most of the time that I was in Asmara running it
as a two-man post with one Foreign Service female clerk in carrying the
administrative load for me. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> <b>Q: How did it work?
Were you under our embassy in Addis Ababa?</b></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> <b>MULCAHY: </b>Until
Eritrea was federated with Ethiopia on the 15th of September 1952, Asmara was
an entirely independent consulate and I reported directly to the Department of
State.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> <b>Q: How did the embassy
in Addis Ababa feel about Eritrea? </b></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">MULCAHY</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">: They were quite loyal. They used to have people
over there from time to time and they had been doing what reporting there was
on Eritrea available in the Department's files. But I think they were probably
sympathetic to the emperor’s view that there ought to be a connection with
Ethiopia. I think also they thought it would be a leavening and possibly a good
example for Ethiopia to deal with a democratically elected, autonomous,
internally autonomous, Eritrea. I, frankly, thought that, too. <b>I firmly
believed that that would have been exactly the best thing for Ethiopia and that
the empire, which it indeed is, could thrive if run as a series of autonomous
regions under a federal constitution, for example. </b> </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: Did you feel that you had any
role in developing any policy towards this? The federation came. Did it
come without our pushing or pulling or objections?</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">MULCAHY:</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> I had regular consultations with the United
Nations High Commissioner who eventually was sent out there, Don Eduardo
Anze Matienzo, a distinguished former foreign minister of Bolivia, a very
fine, erudite, cultured gentleman. Anze Matienzo was a good friend. We had a
good personal relationship. I also had a close relationship with his Principal
Secretary who was an Austrian, an old employee of the League of Nations,
Ranshoven-Wertheimer, and with all the key members of his staff whom I saw
frequently. Asmara was a city of only all told 50,000 or 60,000 people, about
15,000 Italians and 1,200 British, I suppose, counting dependents, and not
counting a 2,000- man British battalions and a very, very small American
community. We had a few American missionaries there besides that, three
missionary establishments. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">We had a very close-knit
community and good relations among the different communities both
internationally and ethnically. I was always being approached by the leaders of
16 different political factions when I went there. Some of them amalgamated
with others after December 1950 when the General Assembly decreed in favour of
federation of Eritrea with Ethiopia. They went down to about eight. To round up
a good cross-section of Eritrean opinion on any subject, I would take my time
over a three-day period to seek out the eight leaders of these factions.
Sometimes I wouldn't need to go to all eight of them, but maybe five or six of
them and have a chat with them. You could do that by sitting at a certain
coffee shop near the cathedral on the main street in Asmara. If you were there,
many people would see you and they'd want to get their word in with you or
they'd come around to the Consulate to deliver their points of view. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: You did find yourself sort of
captured by the American military community or by the British military
community or by the Italian community.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">MULCAHY</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">: No, definitely not.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: How were relations with what
we would call--I don't want to use the pejorative sense--the natives, the
actual Eritreans?</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">MULCAHY</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">: Very, very good. The Coptic Eritreans who were in
the majority in the highlands around Asmara had favoured outright
annexation by Ethiopia. They were supporting what was called a
shifta army, several guerrilla bands, always much less numerous than
you'd ever believe. They were indistinguishable from the Tigrinya-speaking
Ethiopian citizens who came in from across the border. But most of the Eritrean
nobility--and they continued even under the Italians to have their
stratification of society into azmatches, dejazmatches, caghazmatches, etc.
similar to counts, earls, barons, dukes and what have you, old Ethiopian
titles. A lot of them fielded little guerrilla bands of their own in order to
show their loyalty to the Emperor. In the northern Moslem areas there were also
guerrilla bands, who tended to favor a partition of Eritrea. They wanted to go
with the Sudan with which they identified ethnically and religiously. That was
their outlook. Now, the Moslems were divided in the country as a whole. Most of
them in the cities and coastal areas favoured the status of republic. But after
the General Assembly voted in favour of federation and we and the British
supported it when we saw that partition was a non-starter. After India, after
Cyprus, after Palestine you couldn't talk partitions. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: After seeing the fighting
that took place and the animosity, we just were not inclined to support
partitions. </span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">MULCAHY</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">: That's right. Everybody came around, to believe
that, if this federation concept could be well and fairly hammered out, it
would be a good thing. In my office staff, I had an Italian who had been
an active member of a party that favoured an Eritrean republic. He had been a
former member of the Italian Colonial Service but had resigned in 1938,
resigned from the Fascist party, resigned his reserve commission in the army. I
wouldn't call him a great democrat, but philosophically he was rooted there.
He'd been there for almost 30 years and spoke flawless Arabic, was often
consulted by the Mufti and the Qadi of Asmara on fine points in Koranic law,
and used to lecture to the Moslem law students. I got him a job teaching Arabic
at the little University of Maryland extension program we had at Asmara, which
is where I also learned Arabic. I learned my Italian from him, largely on the
job. I had him, a Christian Eritrean, a Moslem Eritrean, and an Armenian
female. The Armenian Community were quite influential in Ethiopia and
Eritrea. Social relations among the communities were really quite good in
Eritrea. I divided my time pretty equally between the British, the United
Nations and the Italian communities. The Moslem and Christian communities were
not very much engaged in social affairs by our standards-cocktail parties and
dinner parties--but they were continually inviting you to their weddings, to he
mosque for feast days, to the Coptic cathedral for all their feast days. You
were very often in touch with them. I also visited the political leaders when I
went traveling, which I did a great deal of. A lot of visiting I tied in with
hunting trips. Hunting was fabulous there because the British had taken guns
away from all the Italians and didn't even let them have shotguns. There had
been something like nine years of uninhibited growth of the wildlife population
there. For birds and for four-legged animals it was a paradise for
hunters. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: Was the continuation of our
communications base in Asmara a major imperative as far as how we wanted to see
Eritrea go? </span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">MULCAHY</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">: Whatever way Eritrea went, we wanted to be able
to maintain the communications base there. At that time that little base was
handling all of our military and diplomatic correspondence from the Middle East
and nearby parts of Africa and boosting it to Washington-to a base near
Washington, shall we say. I don't know whether that's still classified, so
we'll just say near Washington--by high-speed telex so that it sounded like
just a screech and was almost un-monitorable. I gather it was monitorable at the
receiving end but it would be considered fairly primitive by today's methods.
All diplomatic and military communications went there from a large part of the
world. The beauty of Asmara at the edge of the Ethiopian plateau with sheer
cliffs all around was that it had almost trouble-free radio communications
except in times of sunspots. No black-outs or two days of black-outs, say, in
the normal year where Frankfurt and Manila, the other comparable bases in the
world, and Panama, were blacked out for as long as a month during the whole
year. Often Asmara would get all of the traffic of Europe to relay to
Washington. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: Did this have any effect on
how we voted for federation?</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> <b>MULCAHY:</b> Yes,
but I think we had no agreement. I wasn't aware of any even
secret understanding that the Ethiopians would allow the base to stay
there. The agreement on our remaining there and on the whole subject of
military relations with Eritrea--the final agreement and the initialling of the
papers--took place in my living room in Asmara in September 1952 between Akilu
Habte Wold, the Foreign Minister, and our then-ambassador to Ethiopia, J. Rives
Childs. To make a long story short, 25 years later, when it expired I was
Acting Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs in Washington and
drafted the notification to the Ethiopians that we didn't intend to renew it.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">==================================================================================<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">EDWARD W. CLARK Consular Officer
Asmara (1953-1956) </span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Edward W. Clark was born in New
York and graduated from Princeton University and Cornell Law School. His
postings abroad have included Panama, </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Asmara,
Lima, and Buenos Aires. Mr. Clark was interviewed by Charles
Stuart Kennedy in 1992. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: Then you got yourself out of
Central America for a while and went to Asmara from 1953-56. What were you
doing there? </span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">CLARK</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">: I was consul there. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: What was the situation at
that time in Eritrea?</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> CLARK:</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> Eritrea had just been federated with the
Empire of Ethiopia by the United Nations. The British had just left. It
was then turned over to a local Eritrean government but federated with the
Ethiopian Empire. The Ethiopians had customs, immigration, defense and foreign
affairs. The other things like garbage collection and local police and fire
departments were part of the Eritrean government responsibility.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> <b>Q: How did the
Eritreans feel about this situation at that time? </b></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">CLARK</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">: One of my jobs was to keep track of how this
federation was proceeding, whether it was being respected by the
Ethiopians. The Eritreans and the Ethiopians had always been at odds. The
Ethiopians over the centuries would every once in a while, come down and beat
up on the Eritreans and take back a bunch of their wives and make them pay them
tribute and then they would go back. This went on for centuries. They didn't
like each other. And the Eritreans had obviously good reasons for not liking the
Ethiopians.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> The Italians, of course,
had been in Eritrea for some 40-50 years. They had a great influence on the
Eritreans. They built a lot of roads, good schools. The Eritreans in many ways
were better off and better educated than the Ethiopians. It was obvious to
everybody, I think, including the United Nations that this was not going to
last. This was just the papering over of a problem in order to let the United
Nations get out of there. So the three years I was there you could see the
gradual diminishing of this structure. The Ethiopians were gradual about it but
obviously they were going to... Well, we reported that but there wasn't
much we could do. Our big interest there was the American military.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: Kagnew Station. Had Kagnew
been established by that time?</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">CLARK</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">: Kagnew Station was originally an Italian naval
communications centre. When the British took over from the Italians in
1942, they gave us that naval station, and we used it as a naval station
at first. Then it expanded pretty quickly and was used as a station that
could monitor nuclear explosions in the Soviet Union plus, because of its
location, it was a good relay station for the military system across the world.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">So by the time I got there,
about 11 years later, it was a substantial station run by the Army with a
smaller naval communications unit. It was our major interest and our major
problem because there were some 2,000 people there and they were getting into
trouble. We had the usual PXs there and people would buy there and sell outside
and the merchants would complain, etc. They had the need for expansion and
during the time I was there, there was negotiated a new agreement which
provided for a new facility to house all the stations plus some receiving and
sending antenna fields. Interestingly that was all negotiated in Asmara instead
of Ethiopia, so that we, the American consul and the Commander of the post
there were very, very much involved in the negotiations. It was very
interesting. I know of no other time when an agreement like that was
negotiated. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: With whom were you
negotiating with? </span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">CLARK:</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> We were negotiating with the local Ethiopian
Federal Government. The emperor’s representative there in Asmara. The
details were all worked out over a period of a year. When that was finally
agreed to then we all went up to Addis and with the Ethiopian Government and
the Embassy finally signed the agreement. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: The Ambassador in Addis Ababa
was Joseph Simonson who was not a career officer. How did he operate? </span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">CLARK:</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> He was a minister of the church in
Minneapolis and a Republican supporter. I think he had said the prayers at
several Republican conventions. He really didn't know what he
was doing. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: That was probably one reason
why the negotiations were held at Asmara. </span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">CLARK</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">: No, I think it was because the details couldn't
have been negotiated without being in Asmara and actually going out to the
sites, etc. He was not involved in it. He was unfortunate. Remember Nixon made
a trip around Africa as Vice President? </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: Yes, I interviewed somebody
not long ago who accompanied him on that trip, Jules Walker.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> CLARK:</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> When Nixon came back from that he said that
there was one meatball ambassador that has to go, and that was Simonson as it
turned out. A terrible thing to say but... </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: But from what I gather he
wasn't doing anything. </span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">CLARK:</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> No, he was unfortunate. He was a nice guy but
shouldn't have been in that position. There are lots of other ambassadors
I know, political and otherwise, who shouldn't have been there either. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: Did this affect your work at
all or was he over the hill and far away? </span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">CLARK:</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> We were able to report directly to
Washington. I would send copies to the Embassy but they didn't have to go to
the Embassy. So we were fairly independent. We handled all their mail for them
because it came in through the APO. The military would turn it over to us and
we would put the Embassy mail on the local Ethiopian airline planes. They were
always calling us asking for their mail. At one point they accused us of
holding it up, if you can imagine that, for Christmas.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> <b>Q: What was the
impression you were getting from those in Eritrea of Haile Selassie in those
days? </b></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">CLARK</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">: <b>The Eritrean people didn't like the
Ethiopians so they didn't like the Emperor. He came there several times while I
was there. They had a big reception up at the Emperor's representative's
palace. But he didn't spend much time down there. But no, Eritrean people
didn't like the Ethiopians, period. And they still don't.</b></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> <b>Q: Now they are at
least quasi independent, but I am not sure...Were there any
other nationalities there that had any influence in that area?</b> </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">CLARK</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">: The Italians did. The Ethiopian policy towards
the Italians was very well thought out. They advised their people to treat
them properly. They wanted them to stay because they were the ones who could
build the roads, fix the electricity, do all the things that the Ethiopians
didn't know how to do to keep things going. So there was a substantial populous
of Italians of that level there. Plus some fairly well-to-do Italians. They had
the beer plant there, a textile plant, they had a large dairy producing farm
and a number of other things. So the Italians were very much in the ballpark
there, very influential. I would say that the Italian Consul General was much
more influential than any of us were at the time. Apart from that, no...</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> <b>Q: No Soviet
representation? </b></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">CLARK</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">: No, no Soviets. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: Israeli? </span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">CLARK</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">: Well, the Israelis had a kosher meat packing
plant there. Eritrea became a central place for produce for ARAMCO. They had an
agent there who bought and they would send a plane over once or twice a week to
take fresh produce back. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: I was in Dhahran from 1958-60
and I ate that food. </span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">CLARK:</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> They used to come over and take their R&R
there too. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Q: <b>Did you ever do
that? </b>: No, I never got over.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b>JOHN PROPST BLANE, Consular Officer Asmara (1957-1960).</b>
This is what he said when he saw the Ethiopian government dismantling the
federation piece by piece,<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b>“I will say that Eritrea is the only place in my whole
career where I became emotionally involved with the local politics. I was, in
my heart of hearts, as fervent an Eritrean nationalist as existed. My little
friends were being done wrong and I didn't like it.” <o:p></o:p></b></p><div style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border: none; mso-border-bottom-alt: solid windowtext .75pt; mso-element: para-border-div; padding: 0cm 0cm 1.0pt 0cm;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="border: none; mso-border-bottom-alt: solid windowtext .75pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 1.0pt 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><b>“ I don't know, why but they
were nice people, you could see them being mashed, they were unhappy--it was
inevitable.</b> I hoped that it didn't color our reporting too badly. I
recognized the syndrome and tried to compensate for it, but nevertheless the
feeling was there..”<o:p></o:p></p>
</div><p class="MsoNormal"><b>Charles E. Rushing 1960<o:p></o:p></b></p><p class="MsoNormal">One interesting thing was that practically all of the
message traffic during the Korean War, went from Washington to Asmara through
the Kagnew Station and then from Asmara to Korea. Eritrea was a very good place
to have for this purpose. The installation and the city were high, at 8,000
feet, and not too far from the equator, where propagation was particularly
favorable.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal">Asmara was a beautiful city. It looked like something out of
the movies. It had sidewalk cafes and a beautiful cathedral, excellent
restaurants, there was a golf course, there were outdoor swimming pools. But it
got so cold at night that the pool at the consulate would only get up to about
65 during the day and that was cold. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal">I was the deputy principal officer, although I'm not sure
that that description existed in those days. I was number two, and there was
also a consular/administrative officer, a CIA [Central Intelligence Agency] guy
and his secretary, a USIA, and an AID [Agency for International Development]
officer. There was also a State secretary.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal">I met and married an Italian young woman who had been born
in Asmara, as had her parents. Her grandparents were among those who came to
Eritrea in the early 1900s from Sicily and Puglia. She was working for Aden
Airways, which folded a long time ago. It was a part of the overseas operation
of BOAC [British Overseas Airways Corporation]. She and I met at the airport <o:p></o:p></p><div style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border: none; mso-border-bottom-alt: solid windowtext .75pt; mso-element: para-border-div; padding: 0cm 0cm 1.0pt 0cm;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="border: none; mso-border-bottom-alt: solid windowtext .75pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 1.0pt 0cm; padding: 0cm;">when I was meeting the courier.
I was duty officer which meant I had to be available 24 hours a day each
week-end, every third week. One of the great things about Asmara was that you
could hear the airplanes coming in to land from anywhere in town and you could
beat them to the airport. So, it was never a question of having to call up and
say, "Is it on time?" I was playing tennis and I heard the airplane,
so I got into the car in grimy, smelly tennis clothes and drove out to the
airport to meet the courier. Asmara was a big courier station. From Asmara,
couriers would go to Aden and Khartoum before stopping at Addis and farther
south and ending up in South Africa. Besides the courier, there was this lovely
woman there.<o:p></o:p></p>
</div><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span lang="IT">SAMUEL R.
GAMMON, III Consul General Asmara (1964-1967)<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal">At that time the still-ongoing, Eritrean independence
movement was just getting under way, it really kicked on in late '60-'61,
political banditry and guerrilla operations against the Imperial government. We
obviously stood to gain by being as neutral as possible in that situation
because if there's anything more vulnerable than an antenna garden of say 250,
40 to 80 foot antenna towers held up by guy-wires, to a guerrilla operation, it
would be hard to find. The government was always trying to involve the US
military as supporting the regime of Haile Selassie and the establishment. That
was mostly the most sensitive thing--trying to keep the military at a lower
profile.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal">At one point, there was a lengthy negotiation which I did as
an addendum to the treaty establishing Kagnew. I say addendum because it was
not a formal treaty instrument. We did an agreed interpretation and
modification of the treaty of 1953 between the United States and Ethiopia under
which Kagnew Station existed. I found, and the embassy agreed, that we could
make considerable concessions in the direction of doffing our hat to Ethiopian
sovereignty. Such things, for example, as changing the license plates at Kagnew
station to make them Ethiopian license plates, with a nominal fee to cover the
cost of manufacture, but no profit. Flying the Ethiopian flag at various places
on post. Little things like that.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal">: <b>What was our policy towards the Eritrean separatists?
Did you have any contact with them?</b> <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal">GAMMON: I had a lot of contact with them. We also had a
mapping mission going, we had Air Force, Army and Navy present at Kagnew
Station. The Air Force was basically cooperating with the Ethiopians in doing
photo mapping of all Ethiopia. On one occasion, near the end of my stay, a US
helicopter with an Ethiopian interpreter and two US Air Force types, had a
little engine trouble and plumped down into the midst of a group of shifta.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal"> Q: Shifta being?
GAMMON: The political bandit, Eritrean Liberation Front guerrillas. Who
promptly burned the helicopter and took them prisoner. There were flying around
landing to ask local names for geographic, "What do you call that
mountain? What's that stream?" so they could put names on the maps they
were constructing. We had terrific communications of course at Kagnew, much
better than the embassy did in Addis. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b>I got in a quick piece saying not to worry they would be
released fairly soon because we were on polite terms with the political
opposition, the ELF. I had pretty good contacts which I dusted off.</b> Of
course, the US military and the Ethiopian military went into a swivet at one
point, CINCSTRIKE sent out a planning message for a US parachute regiment to
drop into Eritrea. It was a planning message only and obviously would not take
place. When a copy of that reached the embassy they went into almost terminal
panic!<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal"> It took two weeks
before the three prisoners could be released because there was so much air
patrolling and hunting for them. They were walked by night over to the Sudanese
boundary and released. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b>Q: How did you maintain contact? In so many situations
where you have a guerrilla force, we are under strict instructions you just
don't talk to the opposition which is usually a bad mistake. </b><o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal">GAMMON: You talk as much as you can. The instructions
usually come from the existing government and if you can get away with it you
do. One of the leading types that I knew perfectly well and had contact with
was one of the guys who had helped Haile Selassie take over Eritrea. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b>Yet, I knew Senator Tedla Bairo well; we had been in
social contact, and he was also in touch with the Ethiopian government. It was
a slightly murky situation. I was very confident that the captives would be
sprung and they were.</b> The main thing was to keep us from diving totally
into bed with the Ethiopian government's clumsy efforts to recover them by
force. They were in due time released. The MAAG brigadier was up and MAAG was
all over the place advising the Ethiopian Army which was blundering around
hunting. <b>I would say that probably the best reporting thing I did was the
last message I sent before leaving Asmara after three and a half years, where I
forecast that we knew that the emperor was elderly, we knew that he would be
succeeded in time by a military regime and I predicted that Kagnew Station
probably had, with luck, five or six good years left and then possibly five to
six bad years before we'd be tossed out entirely. I left in '67, I think we
were out in '74 or '75, something like that. I was not far off on that
forecast.</b> <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b>Q: Did you find, from your point of view, that having a
base like Kagnew Station began to be the tail that wagged the dog? <o:p></o:p></b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b>GAMMON:</b> Not so much in my time or in Korry's time
because then the embassy was upgraded from a Class III to a Class II mission in
that period. I would say that the dominant foreign policy was that Ethiopia is
a strong, stable and important country that can be a major asset to US foreign
policy. Kagnew was then probably our most important in-country objective along
with growth and stability and MAAG (Military Assistance Advisory Group)
improvement to the Ethiopian military. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b>Korry was sharp enough to design something which we
jokingly called the village team in Asmara, which was a model of the country
team. The village team consisted of a MAAG representative, a couple of AID
nurses who were attached to the nursing school at the local hospital, the USIS
PAO, obviously the CIA station man, and the commanding officer of Kagnew
station who came to my weekly staff meeting. This, we referred to, as the
village team, which was equivalent to the country team in Addis.</b> We were
very closely tied in with embassy operation<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal"> Also thanks to the
capabilities of Kagnew Station in the ELINT area. <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal">Q: That's Electronic Intelligence? <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal">GAMMON: I had vast access to ELINT material relating to the
entire Horn of Africa and southern Arabia, which I would peruse, and then I
would do a weekly summation of things. I would type it myself and send it in a
single copy up to the ambassador via the weekly courier, every Thursday
morning. So that he was then plugged in, without having to wait for this
material to get back to Washington, to the intelligence community to digest and
disgorge in much briefer and more sanitized form. That worked fairly well as a
feed-in to the ambassador.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal">Arthur Hummel Ambassador 75 - 76<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal">One of the unlovely things about Ethiopian society was the
way in which they looked down on and really discriminated against people with
darker skin than they had and African features. This attitude was terribly hard
on the foreign diplomatic community there. Ethiopians are very bright and
lively people, and they were only half joking when they say that there are
three kinds of people in Africa: there are the blacks, the pinks, and the
whites. The blacks are the Bantus to the south, the West Africans, and those
people who have Negroid facial features. They say, "You Westerners are the
'pinks.' We Ethiopians are the 'whites.'" I always enjoyed that. That
comment went around as a "bon mot" every time the matter was
mentioned. They were only half joking about their superiority. The wives of the
West and southern African diplomats and their staffs who had to go to the
markets to do the shopping were really despised and treated abominably by the
Amhara shopkeepers. It was a kind of racial discrimination that was very
difficult for them.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal"> The Full Report can be downloaded at this link:</p><p><a href="https://www.mediafire.com/file/o6y8yhet4cmz00c/Eritrea+US+diplomats+who+served+there+1950-2002.pdf/file">https://www.mediafire.com/file/o6y8yhet4cmz00c/Eritrea+US+diplomats+who+served+there+1950-2002.pdf/file</a><br /></p><p>Thanks to Ahmed Robleh for sharing</p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-37279537315385306232024-02-29T23:46:00.000-08:002024-02-29T23:47:13.517-08:00Interviews with US Diplomatic Officials Who Served in Kenya 1944 - 2000<p> Interviews with US Diplomatic Officials Who Served in Kenya 1944 - 2000 on Their work There and Their Impressions About The Country</p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj_N4VzIKhK1uyEGwJBtn6jyYnZug1mIitSyOTfqtUMnHiFf00NqdiY6Zo6NAaW7s-ePfqFGaqac4nMvlmQgJ8vjTOQj36W6nyTmpvOqMIQvCwWIWjSNq1pHJAmde5W9NGbmu9tF6lcw1N9NTQwinEyG-unF9xNLuSsAqaF27HzuT1Wx2uJnIcnT1Yj7uU/s1612/Kenya%20US.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1402" data-original-width="1612" height="278" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj_N4VzIKhK1uyEGwJBtn6jyYnZug1mIitSyOTfqtUMnHiFf00NqdiY6Zo6NAaW7s-ePfqFGaqac4nMvlmQgJ8vjTOQj36W6nyTmpvOqMIQvCwWIWjSNq1pHJAmde5W9NGbmu9tF6lcw1N9NTQwinEyG-unF9xNLuSsAqaF27HzuT1Wx2uJnIcnT1Yj7uU/w347-h278/Kenya%20US.png" width="347" /></a></div><br /><p><a href="https://www.mediafire.com/file/tvea8838ejkwkzo/Kenya+US+Officials+who+served+in+Kenya+1944-2000.pdf/file">https://www.mediafire.com/file/tvea8838ejkwkzo/Kenya+US+Officials+who+served+in+Kenya+1944-2000.pdf/file</a></p><p>Thanks to Ahmed Robleh for sharing</p><p><br /></p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-49248342040824108872024-02-29T23:32:00.000-08:002024-02-29T23:52:37.855-08:00Interviews with US Diplomatic Officers Who Served in Ethiopia 1947 - 2002<p> <b>Interviews with US Diplomatic Officers Who Served in Ethiopia 1947 - 2002</b></p><p><b><br /></b></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgaZNMFUnQlsTTBnLXXnde0_95-4aa1sKkIhXfRng80T_Awcg2fA0CIgFDrqu1X4Dte5sw6BILcKNMmPjtazFCR0NaHAYAYItSxfVvRfNY_EnF82CTMdgjlPsHXZge7F2pxcQGBB5hz_UBVfxnlkJHLH-TiBYDhfYuIvsGwLHSVk1fdlOptjd-7eR8t9QQ/s1568/Ethiopia%20US.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1402" data-original-width="1568" height="286" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgaZNMFUnQlsTTBnLXXnde0_95-4aa1sKkIhXfRng80T_Awcg2fA0CIgFDrqu1X4Dte5sw6BILcKNMmPjtazFCR0NaHAYAYItSxfVvRfNY_EnF82CTMdgjlPsHXZge7F2pxcQGBB5hz_UBVfxnlkJHLH-TiBYDhfYuIvsGwLHSVk1fdlOptjd-7eR8t9QQ/w376-h286/Ethiopia%20US.png" width="376" /></a></div><br /><b><br /></b><p></p><p><b><br /></b></p><p><a href="https://www.mediafire.com/file/xrdbbp6tkxoimao/Interviews+with+US+officials+who+served+in+Ethiopi++Country+Reader+1947-2001.pdf/file">https://www.mediafire.com/file/xrdbbp6tkxoimao/Interviews+with+US+officials+who+served+in+Ethiopi++Country+Reader+1947-2001.pdf/file</a><br /></p><p>---------------------</p><p>Thanks to Ahmed Robleh for sharing</p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-29509328221309696202024-02-29T23:29:00.000-08:002024-02-29T23:32:13.945-08:00Interviews with US Diplomatic Officials Who Served in Somalia from 1955 - 2002 <p><b>Interviews with US Diplomatic Officials Who Served in Somalia from 1955 - 2002 </b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiI9WrcmWpJ7bwJboG54Zb4HMU6MHBayt3nyTL92n89J4JamhyiuOPkV7QTIFDFoS9-o6qDA35XbOq3F7zL8WUdJDafJV1vi3o2u-ZvK9378KxndSBP0E2ovuRngebDcBWRhPIiaow9F3CqJRvAgFOfK-T7dOVje_V7b84YlvqC9JJDS7tgTI-8hHpyyJ0/s1722/Somalia%20reader.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1386" data-original-width="1722" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiI9WrcmWpJ7bwJboG54Zb4HMU6MHBayt3nyTL92n89J4JamhyiuOPkV7QTIFDFoS9-o6qDA35XbOq3F7zL8WUdJDafJV1vi3o2u-ZvK9378KxndSBP0E2ovuRngebDcBWRhPIiaow9F3CqJRvAgFOfK-T7dOVje_V7b84YlvqC9JJDS7tgTI-8hHpyyJ0/w337-h300/Somalia%20reader.png" width="337" /></a></div><br /><p><br /></p><p><a href="https://www.mediafire.com/file/aha2cv29d1jsm8n/Somalia+Interviews+with+US+Diplomats+who+served+in+Somaliar+1955-2002.pdf/file">https://www.mediafire.com/file/aha2cv29d1jsm8n/Somalia+Interviews+with+US+Diplomats+who+served+in+Somaliar+1955-2002.pdf/file</a><br /></p><p>Thanks Ahmed Robleh for sharing</p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-55086544779947206912024-02-28T22:40:00.000-08:002024-02-29T06:19:47.938-08:00Interviews with US Diplomatic officers who served in Eritrea in the 1950s<p> </p><p></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: large;">Interviews with US Diplomatic officers who served in Eritrea in the 1950s</span></b></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><b><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">EDWARD W. MULCAHY, Vice Consul Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia (1950) </span></b><b><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Consular Officer, Asmara (1950-1952)</span></b><b><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Edward
Mulcahy was born in Massachusetts in 1921. He graduated from Tufts </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">University
in 1943, the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy in 1947, and </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">served
as a first Lieutenant overseas from 1943 to 1946 in the U.S. Marine Corps. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">His
postings abroad included Mombasa, Munich, Addis Ababa, Athens, Southern, </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Tunisia,
Lagos, and Chad. Mr. Mulcahy was interviewed in 1989 by Charles </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Stuart
Kennedy.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">MULCAHY</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt;">:
This program in coming to an end within the next few months and I'd just as
soon go back to Africa." I got a
private telegram from two friends of mine in African Affairs who asked if I'd
like to open a consulate at Asmara. I wrote back, "Ready, willing and
able; sooner the better."</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">While
I was in Kenya I learned a great deal about Asmara, about Eritrea and the
ex-Italian </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">colonies
from some of my British friends who had been in the military service up there
in the </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">campaign
against the Italians in East Africa. I knew what a delightful city Asmara was.
On the </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">map
it looks dreadful, only this far away on the map from Massawa which is one of
the hell </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">holes
of the world climatically at least. But Asmara is up at 7,600 feet and that's
perpetual </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">springtime
there, about the same altitude as Mexico City. So I jumped at the chance of
going </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">there.
This was in December of 1949. By the middle of January, I had my orders
transferring me to Addis Ababa. We'd closed up our post at Amberg on January 10
and I was back in Munich.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
Why were we opening a post there? Why did we want one in Asmara?</span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">MULCAHY:</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt;">
We had had an Army group there, Signal Corps, and Army Security Agency, since </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">just
after Pearl Harbour. The first Army group going out to establish a small
communication </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">station
there were on board ship in Cape Town at the time of Pearl Harbour. The British,
who had taken Eritrea from the Italians, were occupying it by then with a civil
administration--a corporal's guard of colonial service and Indian civil service
types who'd left India and were out of jobs-two British regiments of battalion
strength, very small numbers of British. They kept Italian law and Italian
customs but, with minor changes in force and something like 80 civilians and
two regiments and few policemen, they ran this country of about a million and a
half people.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
Was that part of Ethiopia at that time? <o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">MULCAHY</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt;">:
No, it was not, and what it was to become was the subject of great dispute at
the </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Big-Five
Foreign Ministers' level, the whole question of the ex-Italian colonies. The
reason for </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">the
rush in getting me out there, cancelling the home leave that I was well
over-due for, was the fact that the United Nations Commission of Inquiry, on
which we were not represented, was going out to recommend to the General
Assembly what the future of Eritrea should be. They wanted me to get out there
and keep Washington informed on a daily basis, if possible, what the tilt of
the report or recommendations of this U. N. Commission of Inquiry would be. It
consisted of South Africa, Burma, Guatemala, Norway, and a number of people
from the secretariat, including two Americans. I lived in the hotel, the
principal hotel, where they lived and saw them at practically all meal times
and entertained them over at the small military base, then called Radio Marina.
There were about 75 Americans, counting dependents, at the base then. In the three
years I was there it grew to 400 people. It ultimately grew to 5,000. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
That was Kagnew Station.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">MULCAHY</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt;">:
At that time, it was called Radio Marina because it was located in a compound </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">occupied
before the liberation by the Italian navy. It was an Italian naval radio
station that they took over. But the married people lived out in the town
wherever they could rent houses. Life was very nice there. We had an APO, a
commissary, officers' club, sergeants' club, enlisted men's club. It was a very
nice post. If anyone fouled up, they got sent home as punishment! Politically,
the thing was difficult, because everybody, including the major powers, had
their own view of what should happen. We and the British favoured the partition
of Eritrea when the Moslem northern part of the country where the people were
largely nomadic in any case going to the Sudan. Most of the tribes spent part
of their year in the Sudan and then moved back into Eritrea during the wet
season. The Italians favoured receiving it back as a trust territory. In the case
of Somalia, they received their old colony back in the form of a trust
territory. They favoured that for Eritrea. The Soviets favoured a trust
territory directly administered by the United Nations, by the Secretary
General. Such a thing never happened. We gave up the idea. Ethiopia wanted to annex
the whole thing as a province, as its new province. The population was divided
about evenly, maybe slightly more, maybe 52% or 53% were Coptic Christians, who
spoke Tigrinya, the language of the people in the nearby providence of Tigre in
Ethiopia.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">The
northern Moslems spoke a language called Tigre, but they also spoke five other </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">languages,
mutually unintelligible one to the other, for the most part. They were Semitic </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">languages
in the northern half of the territory. Along the coast there were islands of
barely </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">related
Hamitic languages. But they spoke Arabic among themselves, fairly good quality
of </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Arabic, as a lingua </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">franca.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">While
I was there, I learned Italian, which I needed every day. Everybody needed
Italian. That </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">was
the real lingua franca </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">of the country.
After I had a good grip on that, I went on to Arabic. It was the colloquial
Arabic of the Red Sea area and a very useful form of Arabic, close to the </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">classical.
Those two languages would get you just about all over the country and nearby
parts of Ethiopia. There was a great deal of Italian still spoken in Ethiopia
in those days.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">My
record shows an assignment at Addis Ababa. Quite true. I had to be assigned
someplace until I had a consulate open in Asmara, so I was attached to the
embassy at Addis Ababa, where I spent a couple of weeks in early February of
1950 and where I called on the emperor in top hat and morning clothes,
borrowed; I didn't own those myself. Ambassador George Merrill (and later Rives
Childs) at Addis Ababa and their staff were very generous in their support most
of the time that I was in Asmara running it as a two-man post with one Foreign
Service female clerk in carrying the administrative load for me.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><b>Q: How did it work? Were you under our
embassy in Addis Ababa? <o:p></o:p></b></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">MULCAHY: </span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Until
Eritrea was federated with Ethiopia on the 15th of September 1952, Asmara </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">was
an entirely independent consulate and I reported directly to the Department of
State.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
How did the embassy in Addis Ababa feel about Eritrea? </span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">MULCAHY</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">:
They were quite loyal. They used to have people over there from time to time
and they had been doing what reporting there was on Eritrea available in the
Department's files. But I think they were probably sympathetic to the emperor’s
view that there ought to be a connection with Ethiopia. I think also they
thought it would be a leavening and possibly a good example for Ethiopia to
deal with a democratically elected, autonomous, internally autonomous, Eritrea.
I, frankly, thought that, too. <b>I firmly believed that that would have been
exactly the best thing for Ethiopia and that the empire, which it indeed is,
could thrive if run as a series of autonomous regions under a federal
constitution, for example. </b></span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
Did you feel that you had any role in developing any policy towards this? The
federation </span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">came.
Did it come without our pushing or pulling or objections?</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">MULCAHY:</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">
I had regular consultations with the United Nations High Commissioner who </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">eventually
was sent out there, Don Eduardo Anze Matienzo, a distinguished former foreign </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">minister
of Bolivia, a very fine, erudite, cultured gentleman. Anze Matienzo was a good
friend. We had a good personal relationship. I also had a close relationship
with his Principal Secretary who was an Austrian, an old employee of the League
of Nations, Ranshoven-Wertheimer, and with all the key members of his staff
whom I saw frequently. Asmara was a city of only all told 50,000 or 60,000
people, about 15,000 Italians and 1,200 British, I suppose, counting dependents,
and not counting a 2,000- man British battalions and a very, very small
American community. We had a few American missionaries there besides that,
three missionary establishments.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">We
had a very close-knit community and good relations among the different communities
both internationally and ethnically. I was always being approached by the
leaders of 16 different political factions when I went there. Some of them
amalgamated with others after December 1950 when the General Assembly decreed
in favour of federation of Eritrea with Ethiopia. They went down to about
eight. To round up a good cross-section of Eritrean opinion on any subject, I
would take my time over a three-day period to seek out the eight leaders of these
factions. Sometimes I wouldn't need to go to all eight of them, but maybe five
or six of them and have a chat with them. You could do that by sitting at a
certain coffee shop near the cathedral on the main street in Asmara. If you
were there, many people would see you and they'd want to get their word in with
you or they'd come around to the Consulate to deliver their points of view.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
You did find yourself sort of captured by the American military community or by
the British military community or by the Italian community.</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">MULCAHY</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">:
No, definitely not. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
How were relations with what we would call--I don't want to use the pejorative
sense--the natives, the actual Eritreans?</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">MULCAHY</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">:
Very, very good. The Coptic Eritreans who were in the majority in the highlands </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">around
Asmara had favoured outright annexation by Ethiopia. They were supporting what
was </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">called
a shifta </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">army, several guerrilla bands,
always much less numerous than you'd ever believe. They were indistinguishable
from the Tigrinya-speaking Ethiopian citizens who came in from across the
border. But most of the Eritrean nobility--and they continued even under the
Italians to have their stratification of society into azmatches, dejazmatches,
caghazmatches, etc. similar to counts, earls, barons, dukes and what have you,
old Ethiopian titles. A lot of them fielded little guerrilla bands of their own
in order to show their loyalty to the Emperor. In the northern Moslem areas
there were also guerrilla bands, who tended to favor a partition of Eritrea.
They wanted to go with the Sudan with which they identified ethnically and
religiously. That was their outlook. Now, the Moslems were divided in the
country as a whole. Most of them in the cities and coastal areas favoured the
status of republic. But after the General Assembly voted in favour of federation
and we and the British supported it when we saw that partition was a
non-starter. After India, after Cyprus, after Palestine you couldn't talk
partitions.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
After seeing the fighting that took place and the animosity, we just were not
inclined to </span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">support
partitions.</span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><b>MULCAHY</b>:
That's right. Everybody came around, to believe that, if this federation
concept </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">could
be well and fairly hammered out, it would be a good thing. In my office staff,
I had an </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Italian
who had been an active member of a party that favoured an Eritrean republic. He
had been a former member of the Italian Colonial Service but had resigned in
1938, resigned from the Fascist party, resigned his reserve commission in the
army. I wouldn't call him a great democrat, but philosophically he was rooted
there. He'd been there for almost 30 years and spoke flawless Arabic, was often
consulted by the Mufti and the Qadi of Asmara on fine points in Koranic law, and
used to lecture to the Moslem law students. I got him a job teaching Arabic at
the little University of Maryland extension program we had at Asmara, which is
where I also learned Arabic. I learned my Italian from him, largely on the job.
I had him, a Christian Eritrean, a Moslem Eritrean, and an Armenian female. The
Armenian Community were quite influential in Ethiopia and Eritrea. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Social
relations among the communities were really quite good in Eritrea. I divided my
time </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">pretty
equally between the British, the United Nations and the Italian communities.
The Moslem and Christian communities were not very much engaged in social
affairs by our standards-cocktail parties and dinner parties--but they were
continually inviting you to their weddings, to he mosque for feast days, to the
Coptic cathedral for all their feast days. You were very often in touch with
them. I also visited the political leaders when I went traveling, which I did a
great deal of. A lot of visiting I tied in with hunting trips. Hunting was
fabulous there because the British had taken guns away from all the Italians
and didn't even let them have shotguns. There had been something like nine
years of uninhibited growth of the wildlife population there. For birds and for
four-legged animals it was a paradise for hunters.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
Was the continuation of our communications base in Asmara a major imperative as
far as how we wanted to see Eritrea go?</span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"> </span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">MULCAHY</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">:
Whatever way Eritrea went, we wanted to be able to maintain the communications base
there. At that time that little base was handling all of our military and
diplomatic correspondence from the Middle East and nearby parts of Africa and
boosting it to Washington-to a base near Washington, shall we say. I don't know
whether that's still classified, so we'll just say near Washington--by
high-speed telex so that it sounded like just a screech and was almost un-monitorable.
I gather it was monitorable at the receiving end but it would be considered
fairly primitive by today's methods. All diplomatic and military communications
went there from a large part of the world. The beauty of Asmara at the edge of
the Ethiopian plateau with sheer cliffs all around was that it had almost
trouble-free radio communications except in times of sunspots. No black-outs or
two days of black-outs, say, in the normal year where Frankfurt and Manila, the
other comparable bases in the world, and Panama, were blacked out for as long
as a month during the whole year. Often Asmara would get all of the traffic of
Europe to relay to Washington. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
Did this have any effect on how we voted for federation? <o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">MULCAHY:</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt;">
Yes, but I think we had no agreement. I wasn't aware of any even secret </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">understanding
that the Ethiopians would allow the base to stay there. The agreement on our </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">remaining
there and on the whole subject of military relations with Eritrea--the final
agreement and the initialling of the papers--took place in my living room in
Asmara in September 1952 between Akilu Habte Wold, the Foreign Minister, and
our then-ambassador to Ethiopia, J. Rives Childs. To make a long story short,
25 years later, when it expired I was Acting Assistant Secretary of State for
African Affairs in Washington and drafted the notification to the Ethiopians
that we didn't intend to renew it.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">==================================================================================<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b>EDWARD W.
CLARK Consular Officer Asmara (1953-1956) </b> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;">Edward W. Clark
was born in New York and graduated from Princeton University and
Cornell Law School. His postings abroad have included Panama, <span style="font-size: 12pt;">Asmara,
Lima, and Buenos Aires. Mr. Clark was interviewed by Charles Stuart </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Kennedy
in 1992.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
Then you got yourself out of Central America for a while and went to Asmara
from 1953-56. What were you doing there? </span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">CLARK</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">:
I was consul there.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
What was the situation at that time in Eritrea? <o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">CLARK:</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt;">
Eritrea had just been federated with the Empire of Ethiopia by the United
Nations. The </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">British
had just left. It was then turned over to a local Eritrean government but
federated with the Ethiopian Empire. The Ethiopians had customs, immigration,
defense and foreign affairs. The other things like garbage collection and local
police and fire departments were part of the Eritrean government
responsibility.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
How did the Eritreans feel about this situation at that time? </span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">CLARK</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">:
One of my jobs was to keep track of how this federation was proceeding, whether
it </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">was
being respected by the Ethiopians. The Eritreans and the Ethiopians had always
been at </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">odds.
The Ethiopians over the centuries would every once in a while, come down and
beat up on the Eritreans and take back a bunch of their wives and make them pay
them tribute and then they would go back. This went on for centuries. They
didn't like each other. And the Eritreans had obviously good reasons for not
liking the Ethiopians.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">The
Italians, of course, had been in Eritrea for some 40-50 years. They had a great
influence on the Eritreans. They built a lot of roads, good schools. The
Eritreans in many ways were better off and better educated than the Ethiopians.
It was obvious to everybody, I think, including the United Nations that this
was not going to last. This was just the papering over of a problem in order to
let the United Nations get out of there. So the three years I was there you
could see the gradual diminishing of this structure. The Ethiopians were
gradual about it but obviously they were going to... Well, we reported that but </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">there
wasn't much we could do. Our big interest there was the American military.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><b>Q:
Kagnew Station. Had Kagnew been established by that time? </b><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><b>CLARK</b>:
Kagnew Station was originally an Italian naval communications centre. When the </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">British
took over from the Italians in 1942, they gave us that naval station, and we
used it as a </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">naval
station at first. Then it expanded pretty quickly and was used as a station
that could </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">monitor
nuclear explosions in the Soviet Union plus, because of its location, it was a
good relay station for the military system across the world.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">So
by the time I got there, about 11 years later, it was a substantial station run
by the Army with a smaller naval communications unit. It was our major interest
and our major problem because there were some 2,000 people there and they were
getting into trouble. We had the usual PXs there and people would buy there and
sell outside and the merchants would complain, etc. They had the need for
expansion and during the time I was there, there was negotiated a new agreement
which provided for a new facility to house all the stations plus some receiving
and sending antenna fields. Interestingly that was all negotiated in Asmara
instead of Ethiopia, so that we, the American consul and the Commander of the
post there were very, very much involved in the negotiations. It was very
interesting. I know of no other time when an agreement like that was
negotiated.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
With whom were you negotiating with?</span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">CLARK:</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">
We were negotiating with the local Ethiopian Federal Government. The emperor’s </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">representative
there in Asmara. The details were all worked out over a period of a year. When that
was finally agreed to then we all went up to Addis and with the Ethiopian
Government and the Embassy finally signed the agreement.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
The Ambassador in Addis Ababa was Joseph Simonson who was not a career officer.
How did he operate?</span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">CLARK:</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">
He was a minister of the church in Minneapolis and a Republican supporter. I
think he </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">had
said the prayers at several Republican conventions. He really didn't know what
he was </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">doing.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
That was probably one reason why the negotiations were held at Asmara.</span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">CLARK</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">:
No, I think it was because the details couldn't have been negotiated without
being in </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Asmara
and actually going out to the sites, etc. He was not involved in it. He was
unfortunate. Remember Nixon made a trip around Africa as Vice President?</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
Yes, I interviewed somebody not long ago who accompanied him on that trip,
Jules Walker. <o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">CLARK:</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt;">
When Nixon came back from that he said that there was one meatball ambassador
that has to go, and that was Simonson as it turned out. A terrible thing to say
but...</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
But from what I gather he wasn't doing anything.</span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">CLARK:</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">
No, he was unfortunate. He was a nice guy but shouldn't have been in that
position. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">There
are lots of other ambassadors I know, political and otherwise, who shouldn't
have been there either.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
Did this affect your work at all or was he over the hill and far away?</span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">CLARK:</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">
We were able to report directly to Washington. I would send copies to the
Embassy but they didn't have to go to the Embassy. So we were fairly
independent. We handled all their mail for them because it came in through the
APO. The military would turn it over to us and we would put the Embassy mail on
the local Ethiopian airline planes. They were always calling us asking for
their mail. At one point they accused us of holding it up, if you can imagine
that, for Christmas. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
What was the impression you were getting from those in Eritrea of Haile
Selassie in those days?</span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">CLARK</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">:
<b>The Eritrean people didn't like the Ethiopians so they didn't like the
Emperor. He came there several times while I was there. They had a big
reception up at the Emperor's </b></span><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">representative's
palace. But he didn't spend much time down there. But no, Eritrean people
didn't like the Ethiopians, period. And they still don't.</span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
Now they are at least quasi independent, but I am not sure...Were there any
other </span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">nationalities
there that had any influence in that area?</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">CLARK</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">:
The Italians did. The Ethiopian policy towards the Italians was very well
thought out. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">They
advised their people to treat them properly. They wanted them to stay because
they were the ones who could build the roads, fix the electricity, do all the
things that the Ethiopians didn't know how to do to keep things going. So there
was a substantial populous of Italians of that level there. Plus some fairly
well-to-do Italians. They had the beer plant there, a textile plant, they had a
large dairy producing farm and a number of other things. So the Italians were
very much in the ballpark there, very influential. I would say that the Italian
Consul General was much more influential than any of us were at the time. Apart
from that, no...</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
No Soviet representation?</span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">CLARK</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">:
No, no Soviets.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
Israeli? </span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">CLARK</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">:
Well, the Israelis had a kosher meat packing plant there. Eritrea became a
central place for produce for ARAMCO. They had an agent there who bought and
they would send a plane over once or twice a week to take fresh produce back.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Q:
I was in Dhahran from 1958-60 and I ate that food.</span></b><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">CLARK:</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">
They used to come over and take their R&R there too. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 16px;">Q: </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><b>Did you ever do that? </b></span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">:
No, I never got over.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p><b> SOURCE:</b> </o:p></span><b>Interviews with US Diplomatic Officers Who Served in Ethiopia 1947 - 2002 </b><a href="https://www.mediafire.com/file/xrdbbp6tkxoimao/Interviews+with+US+officials+who+served+in+Ethiopi++Country+Reader+1947-2001.pdf/file">https://www.mediafire.com/file/xrdbbp6tkxoimao/Interviews+with+US+officials+who+served+in+Ethiopi++Country+Reader+1947-2001.pdf/file</a></p><br /><p></p><div>-------------------------------</div><div><br /></div><div>Thanks to Ahmed Robleh for sharing</div>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-12251778841914667802024-02-28T07:30:00.000-08:002024-02-29T06:33:26.620-08:00A Collection of Interviews with US Diplomatic Officers who served in Sudan 1957-1997<p> Sudan Country Reader: </p><p><b>A Collection of Interviews with US Diplomatic Officers who served in Sudan 1957-1997</b></p><p style="text-align: right;"></p><p style="text-align: right;"><b>مجموعة مقابلات مع دبلوماسيين أمريكيين خدموا في السودان بين ١٩٥٧ و١٩٩٧</b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEju_4PaYAIb8CDpPfOlumEm2uiepy9LTOBkx9NdYwx49prhxZr0FZPI5IAwGg3zwUqR5HRT7mm2GthV-FCinrwU0aDA8U9Mm9MkivttRg2Ojz_d0n84nT_Gjcsj-dTRcsYCfZkiVgwBZaTtG_G-IuI-16wSTM3YA5HB9IMysJiiS-2amVae0USglrilxSs/s1366/Sudan%20Us%20diplomatic%20officers.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1366" data-original-width="1326" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEju_4PaYAIb8CDpPfOlumEm2uiepy9LTOBkx9NdYwx49prhxZr0FZPI5IAwGg3zwUqR5HRT7mm2GthV-FCinrwU0aDA8U9Mm9MkivttRg2Ojz_d0n84nT_Gjcsj-dTRcsYCfZkiVgwBZaTtG_G-IuI-16wSTM3YA5HB9IMysJiiS-2amVae0USglrilxSs/w358-h320/Sudan%20Us%20diplomatic%20officers.png" width="358" /></a></div><div style="text-align: right;"><p align="right" class="MsoNormal"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA">السفير
فرانسوا إم. ديكمان، أول مستشار اقتصادي وتجاري أمريكي في السودان في عام 1957<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p align="right" class="MsoNormal"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA">بعد
وصولي بقليل، كانت إحدى التحديات الأولية التي أتذكرها هي قرار واشنطن في عام ١٩٥٧
بالتخلص من مخزونات القطن طويل التيلة من عهد الحرب العالمية الثانية. تم دمج هذه
الخطوة مع تدابير حماية جديدة لأقل من ١٠٠٠ مزارع للقطن طويل التيلة في الولايات
المتحدة. النتيجة كانت انخفاض حاد في أسعار القطن السوداني طويل التيلة. كان هذا
القرار مدفوعًا بشكل أساسي بدوافع سياسية، بهدف إرضاء منتجي القطن المحليين في
الولايات المتحدة. ومع ذلك، أعتقد أيضًا أنه كان يستهدف الرئيس المصري ناصر. بما
أن القطن طويل التيلة كان من أهم صادرات كل من السودان ومصر، فقد كان لهذا الإجراء
تأثير كبير على اقتصاداتهما الهشة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p align="right" class="MsoNormal"><b style="font-size: 11pt; text-align: left;">Ambassador François
M. Dickman,</b><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-align: left;"> the first US Economic and Commercial Advisor in Sudan in 1957</span></p></div><p><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></p><p class="MsoNormal">“Shortly after arriving, one of the first issues that came
up that I recall was Washington’s decision in 1957 to dispose of the stockpiles
of long staple cotton that had been accumulated during World War II. This was
coupled with new protectionist measures for the less than 1,000 growers of long
staple cotton in the United States. The result was to cause the price of
Sudanese long staple to plummet. The decision was a purely political one that
was intended to respond to domestic pressures from U.S. cotton growers. But I
also suspect that it was directed at Egypt’s President Nasser. Since long
staple cotton was the Sudan’s main export, and it was Egypt’s as well, it was
certainly a blow to its already weak economy.”<o:p></o:p></p><p><a href="https://www.mediafire.com/file/s70ewhpy5gwr5ae/Interviews+with+US+officers+who+served+in+Sudan+from+1957+to+1997.pdf/file">https://www.mediafire.com/file/s70ewhpy5gwr5ae/Interviews+with+US+officers+who+served+in+Sudan+from+1957+to+1997.pdf/file</a><br /></p><p>----------------</p><p>Thanks to Ahmed Robleh for sharing</p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-17881362421717596062024-02-02T23:18:00.000-08:002024-02-02T23:18:11.256-08:00A 2012 Awate.com document on He and His Objectives (Nehnan Elamanan)<p> </p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; mso-outline-level: 2;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 18pt;"><a href="http://awate.com/he-and-his-objectives/" title="Permalink to He And His Objectives"><span style="color: blue;">He And His
Objectives</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; mso-outline-level: 2;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 18pt;"> http://awate.com/he-and-his-objectives/<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Posted on <a href="http://awate.com/he-and-his-objectives/" title="8:21 pm"><span style="color: blue;">February 13, 2012</span></a> by <a href="http://awate.com/author/at/" title="View all posts by Awate Team"><span style="color: blue;">Awate Team</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The first decade of the Eritrean
struggle for independence that started on Sep 1, 1961 was a time of growing
pains. But in the late sixties, the military setbacks and draining of
all regional support from the Arab region after the Six-day war, combined with
the extensive and effective Ethiopian propaganda, resulted in serious internal
crisis. Many combatants were determined to reform the organization and they
formed Harakat Al-Islah (the Reform Movement.) Unfortunately the problems
were deeper than what the Islah Movement could reform. By 1969, the crisis had
deteriorated and resulted in sectarian rivalry.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">In 1971, there appeared <i>Nehnan
Elamanan</i> <i>(We And Our Objectives)</i>, a document that Isaias
Afwerki and his friends authored to justify their sectarian split from the
Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), which they considered a “Jihadist”
organization. They embarked on establishing an organization to mobilize
Eritrean Christian Highlanders. Today, many believe that <i>Nehnan
Elamanan </i>is the cause for all the fragmentation and polarization that
Eritreans still suffer from.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Nehnan Elamanan</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"> came with allegations of grisly murders
committed by what it called the “Jihadist” ELF against Christians; and after
more than forty years, the allegations still circulate as truth among Isaias’
supporters. With time, the unsubstantiated allegation became urban legend,
elevated to a myth, and further deepened the mistrust among Eritreans and to
this day continues to divide Eritreans. In fact, it is difficult to understand
the cultural disharmony, the sectarian mistrust, and the regional frustration
that Eritrea suffers from without scrutinizing <i>Nehnan Elamanan</i>.
Unfortunately, save for some loner pens here and there, not many have
challenged the allegations made in the document. On the contrary,
a number of so-called Eritrean scholars have been repeating the
contents of the manifesto as divine truth. But those who read the
polished English translation cannot be blamed for the translators
themselves are certainly influenced by the message. It suffices
to show that the title of the manifesto, <i>Nehnan Elamanan,</i> was
translated as ‘Our Struggle and Its Goals’ whereas the correct translation is
We And Our Objectives. The manifesto is all about
“WE”—its authors identify themselves “most if not all of us are
Christian highlanders”—which carried so many subliminal messages directed to a
focused audience: Christian Highlanders. It was not (as the translated version
tried to make it appear) about the STRUGGLE which, in the Eritrean psyche,
means something of a national nature, with an all encompassing Eritrean scope,
not a sectarian clarion call.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The manifesto still cries to be
researched and analyzed; and we encourage qualified scholars to do just that.
On our part, this article is our modest attempt to shed some light on
it. We will challenge and explain the evolution of the manifesto because we
believe that knowing the details of Isaias’ destructive designs in the past
will help us better understand him and be better equipped to fight his tyranny.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Nehnan Elamanan</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"> is widely believed to be a creation of
Isaias, his master plan. Therefore, we think a more fitting title for it would
be ‘He And His Objectives.’ The manifesto is the seed of Isaias’ tyranny of
today, and it is the reason why we have him at the helm of power in Eritrea.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">In this article, we will first
present an introduction to <i>Nehnan Elamanan</i> followed by an
insight into how it came into existence and how it hastened Isaias’ sectarian
split before he joined two other splinter groups with whom he formed
EPLF, which he soon controlled, and which, after the liberation of Eritrea, became
today’s PFDJ. Finally, we will explain how Isaias and his clique exploited the
killing of Kidane Kiflu and Welday Ghidey, the <b>only</b> two names
of casualties that appeared in <i>Nehnan Elamanan</i> and which it
treated sensationally.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><i><span lang="DE" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Nehnan Elamanan: The Eritrean Mein Kompf</span></i></b><span lang="DE" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Nehnan Elamanan</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"> was an attempt by Isaias to rewrite history
to fit his grand plans for Eritrea. From the outset, he identified his
constituency and focused on mobilizing the Christian population of the Eritrean
Highlands, by addressing their baser instincts, cleverly using their fears and
suspicions, spreading out any feeling of collective guilt (over
Eritreans dealing with the Haile Selassie regime) and calling on them
to rally behind him against what he portrayed as the dangerous other.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The dangerous other is “<i>Qiada
Al’Amma</i>” (the General Command—the leadership of the Eritrean Liberation
Front of the time—derisively, thereafter, referred to as “Amma.”). The
General Command is described as a people who had no clear political principles,
no military strategy (t<i>ebenja hizka m’kkublal…zttakhosu zneberu</i>:
roaming around and firing off guns haphazardly); who opted to use religion
instead of nationalism as an organizing principle and therefore defined Haile
Selasse as “Kaffr” and the Eritrean struggle as “<i>jihad fi sebilli Allah</i>”
[struggling in the path of God]; whose favorite activity was looting Christian
properties. It accused them of looting 10,000 cows belonging to Christian
highlanders and, with the spoils, it explained, the General Command bought
houses in Sudan, they got drunk, “the single among them got married
and the married among them got remarried.” When they were not looting the
properties of Christians, getting drunk and marrying and re-marrying, they were
slaughtering Christians by the hundreds (“<i>karatatom ksiHlu…nkrstyan kHardu</i>”
sharpening their knives to butcher Christians.)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">With the “other” clearly defined
as corrupt, bigoted, thieving and murderous thugs who used religion as an
organizing principle, the document went on flattering the “we”—always defined
as Christian highlanders. It told them that if they are suffering any guilt for
the role of their forefathers in the 1940s, they shouldn’t because “The
Eritrean people—after 1940—were divided into two political fortresses. When the
majority of Christians were calling for union with Ethiopia, the majority of
Muslims were calling for union with Sudan.” (never mind that this is not what
the UN Commission reported at the time.) It told them that they should
feel empowered because the last census which was done in 1957 showed the “we”
are 55.7% of the population and “<i>aslam hzbna</i>” are 44.3%. It told them
that the Christian highlander was just as nationalist, just as willing to fight
for Eritrean independence in 1961—had it not been for the restrictions of
geography.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">It also claimed that the
consensus which was reached in the 1950s to have dual official languages was
forced by the UN because the UN saw everything through a religious
prism. The idea of the ELF to divide Eritrea into 4 operational
sectors [copied from Algerians in their fight against colonialist France] was
based on the ethnic differences of the ELF leadership and it was right for the
Christian highlanders to ask, “why is a Muslim/Saho leading us?” And even when
he was replaced by a Christian highlander, it was not good enough because he
was “<i>Hade se’Abi’om zkhone kristanay Haleqa”</i>[a Christian chieftain who
was one of them.] And there was nothing wrong for the Christian highlander to
make these demands because “<i>natka yeHmmeka</i>” [what is yours is what
concerns you], it argued. All attempts for reforming the ELF failed because “<i>wedi
dmu ney gedf nay e’mu</i> [bad habits die hard--but the expression
describes "bad habits as hereditary] explained the document. And so,
since the only two choices are to (a) surrender to the enemy [Ethiopia] or (b)
be butchered by the ELF leadership, we don’t have the luxury of sitting
on a razor blade and that’s why we are splitting.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The document played up every
stereotype of the Muslim Eritrean: disorganized, barbaric, murderous,
sectarian. It was 28 pages of “<i>Aslamay entenegese yHarrd e’mber neyferrd</i>”
(put a Muslim in a position of authority and he is severe.) And it did
its job: to this day, 40 years later, Eritreans who know nothing about
Eritrean history know one thing: the ELF ["Amma"] was led by
sectarian butchers. Not just Eritreans: even foreign “revolutionaries”
internalized its message and called the ELF a “Muslim organization”. How did
this document come about?<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The Birth Of The Mysterious
Document</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">For a long time before <i>Nehnan
Elamanan</i> was openly distributed, Isaias and his group were
clandestinely circulating parts of it, and messages with similar content to it.
Apparently the originals of the messages were kept in Kessala [Eastern Sudan]
and many of those who were part of the planning, writing or disseminating the
propaganda of <i>Nehnan Elamanan</i> have repeatedly, and vaguely,
mentioned them just as “documents”. They all stated that Kidane and Welday were
in possession of some “important documents” in Kessela, Sudan.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">An interview conducted by Isaias
Tesfamarian [an Eritrean librarian who resides in California and works at
Stanford University (?)] with several EPLF (the precursor of the PFDJ) party
officials is very revealing. They state that at one time after Kidane and
Welday were killed, Ghirmay Mehari (now Brig. General in Eritrea) and
Wolderufael Sebhatu (martyred in Nackfa) were sent to retrieve the documents
from Kassala. <a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_edn1"><span style="color: blue;">[i]</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Brig. General Ghirmay states: “<i>they
were very important documents…. Wolderufael knew the whereabouts and the
importance of the documents because he used to work with them [Kidane and
Welday] …Once we got to Kassala we got some of the documents but not all</i>.”<a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_edn2"><span style="color: blue;">[ii]</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Woldenkiel Gebremariam, a
current minister of the PFDJ says: “<i>the documents were very important.
Kidane Kiflu was in Kassala and Kassala was the coordinating point with the
field. He used to follow up the situations in the field and record them. They
were very important historical documents. Some of the documents (letters) were
sent to the field. With the situation that we went through in the field, it is
hard to say where they are. Some documents were taken by Tekue Yhidego and etc.
to Aden from Kassala. We used to have them with our Hafash Wudubat (Mass
Organizations). After we went to the field we did not know the situation of the
documents.</i>”<a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_edn3"><span style="color: blue;">[iii]</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">And Naizghi Kiflu, an
ex-Minister of the PFDJ and its one time security director, who had been
critically ill for some years, and died on Feb. 6, 2012 in the UK said: “<i>The
documents were very important. They used to describe the situations in the
field. Who did what? Who got killed by whom …etc. are the sort of things that
were in the documents. We left some of the documents with our Hafash Wudubat
(Mass Organizations) in Aden, Yemen. Later, we heard that the documents were
stolen</i>.”<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Mesfin Hagos, in a recent
interview (we translated the relevant part of it to English) also mentions some
documents: <i>“…At the end of 1969… I was told that I was appointed to the
engineering department, but shortly after…I went to the Sudan. There were some
books in Sudan that I brought along with me from China, and that would help us
in my appointed position</i> [military engineering ]… <a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_edn4"><span style="color: blue;">[iv]</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">In a testimonial booklet,
Gebremedhin Zerezghi, a veteran combatants who lived the events says: “<i>Members
of Srryet Addis<a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_edn5"><span style="color: blue;">[v]</span></a> started to communicate and correspond
through letters. When there was an attempt to read letters that were
intercepted, it was impossible [to read them]. Some were in secret codes, some
were in numbers, some were [written] in alphabets that seemed like Russian</i>.”<a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_edn6"><span style="color: blue;">[vi]</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">We believe that those messages,
and the repeatedly mentioned documents [referred to as “books from China” in
Mesfin Hagos’ case], or some of them, are in the possession of the PFDJ, and
once released they would surely clear a lot of grey information. But until such
a time, the available information is enough to deduce what the documents were
about: perhaps the seeds of <i>Nehnan Elamanan</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">At a time when there was rampant
political conflict within the Eritrean liberation forces, and obviously Isaias
and his group were weaving conspiracies, and the heavy-handed manner with which
the ELF leadership tried to resolve the problems, one side would naturally want
to defeat the other, at least in the propaganda war—that partially explains the
motive behind <i>Nehnan Elamanan</i>. Also, in many instances, the ELF
leadership proved to be seriously inept in solving some problems and resorted
to extreme solutions. It is difficult to understand, let alone justify, some of
its damaging actions—for instance, its decision to jail six-members of the
General Command, all hailing from the Semhar region. This cannot be explained
except in terms of regional bias even if they had committed subversion, a
not-convincing explanation given by the General Command. It was amid this
political turmoil, mass surrender and spying cases, and internal
maladministration that Kidane and Welday were killed. They could have been
innocent; but even then one doesn’t expect the revolutionaries of the day to
set up courts for them and deliberate meticulously before passing a
sentence—within the ELF, a serious attempt to establish a proper court system
only started in 1975. And though <i>Nehnan Elamanan</i> alleges that
hundreds of Christians were killed within the ELF, it didn’t mention any names
save two: Welday Ghide and Kidane Kiflu.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">In that environment of wild
“revolutionary justice,” many innocent people—not just Christian
highlanders—were killed, and many who fought against a more powerful entity
were defeated. But it doesn’t follow that the defeated are always innocent who
should be treated as helpless victims; had they been the victors in the power
struggle, it is almost certain the role would have be reversed. In short, the
price of revolutions is high, and liberation struggle it not peaceful either,
nor is it a slow evolution. And everywhere and anytime, revolutionaries
are led by zealots and it is the nature of revolutions to divide people into
enemies and allies, nothing in between. It is because of such complexities that
it is important for Eritreans to know the nature and content of the documents
that were kept in Kassala. And why they were so important that Isaias and his
group badly wanted to retrieve them from Kidane and Welday’s house.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">It is not far-fetched to
consider the “books from China” that Mesfin Hagos mentioned in his interview is
a reference to the same documents that Ghirmay Mehari (now Brig. General ) and
Wolderufael Sebhatu (martyred in Nackfa), were trying to retrieve from
Kassala. It is very possible that they are the same documents that Naizghi
Kiflu and Weldenkiel Haile mentioned. And it is very possible that the
clandestine letters, that Gebremedhin Zerezghi mentioned in his testimony, were
circulating among the combatants were the cause for the killing of Kidane and
Welday, whose names automatically appeared on <i>Nehnan Elamanan</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">A serious question has been
asked for decades regarding the allegation of <i>Nehnan Elamanan</i>: If
the ELF was into the “slaughtering” business as alleged, why were “Christians
combatants” like Mesfin Hagos, Isaias and many, many, others spared?<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Theories: Why Kidane And Welday
Were Killed</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The ELF never formally denied or
admitted killing Welday and Kidane though many who lived the era confirm
privately that it did. They explain the killing differently, and in general
terms. As <i>Nehnan Elamaman</i>, and many senior members of the EPLF
testify, in the days when the two were killed, the ELF witnessed mass surrender
by combatants from the highlands to Ethiopian garrisons and the Ethiopian
consulate in Sudan. Given the politically polarized society, perhaps the events
of the time threw a shadow of suspicion and mistrust on the Christian
combatants. The polarization was definitely sharpened by the political
situations that prevailed at the time, for example:<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt; text-indent: -18.0pt;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">1.<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">A
relentless and heavy Ethiopian propaganda that labeled the Eritrean revolution
as a Muslim project and encouraged Christians to surrender by taking advantage
of the blanket amnesty offered by the Ethiopian king. Many did.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt; text-indent: -18.0pt;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">2.<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The
onslaught on the Muslim population, wiping their villages, mass arrests,
robbing of cattle and other properties carried out by the Ethiopian forces,
particularly the commandos forces, who were composed of predominantly Christian
highlanders.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt; text-indent: -18.0pt;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">3.<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The
general treatment of Muslims as second-class citizens as Ethiopia declared
Orthodox Christianity as the official religion of the state.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt; text-indent: -18.0pt;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">4.<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The
military setback of the ELF after the Halhal debacle where the ELF was weakened
and appeared un-salvageable.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt; text-indent: -18.0pt;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">5.<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The
Israel-Arab war that drained supply lines from the Arab countries and weakened
the ELF.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt; text-indent: -18.0pt;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">6.<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The
emergence of ideological (Marxists influence from Yemen and Sudan) philosophies
in the ranks of the ELF and the struggle that ensued between urban (who were
more accepting of Marxist ideas) and rural (conservative) members of the
organization.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The above could have been some
of the reasons that made the doubtful combatants surrender in droves. But for
other patriotic Christian combatants who remained behind and were totally
against the surrender, it must have been painful to be categorized with those
who surrendered when they chose to fight on. Such frustration would
understandably trigger in them the urge to develop a counter narrative to
vindicate themselves or at least ward off the suspicion. For Isaias, this must
have been a grand opportunity to exploit and revive his old bigotry and
prejudice as some of his schoolmates attest. The cause of the “hundreds” killed
and of “Srryat Addis wiped out,” could only be a natural human reaction, a
defensive mechanism by the injured to fight against the labeling and to defend
themselves from being stereotypically perceived in a negative light. For
Isaias, though, it meant a golden chance, an energy that would propel his
sectarian split, a successful attempt to turn the tables on those he perceived
as the other. And he cleverly used the incidents to mobilize Christians from
the Highlands whom he considered his constituency.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Nehnan Elamanan: The Mother Of
The PFDJ</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">In 1970, according to a number
of veteran combatants, handwritten copies of some of the documents somehow
ended in the hands of ELF security officers of the time. They contained
allegations and language similar to what come out later on <i>Nehnan
Elamanan</i>. The sectarian allegations were spreading wildly, and the security
officers of the ELF began a surveillance task to check who was behind it.
Kidane and Welday were implicated in the propaganda war (documents) as the
statements of the above-mentioned veteran combatants indicate. Around the same
time, a Sudanese officer tipped the ELF security personnel that Kidane, Welday
and others were communicating with the Ethiopian consulate in Kassala—the
consulate was aggressively luring the doubtful to surrender and it
facilitated the surrender of scores of ELF combatants. It was in such
circumstances that Welday and Kidane were killed and their bodies found around
a place called Hafera, near the town of Kassala in Sudan.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">No one claimed responsibility
for the killing but fingers began to point towards some zealous officers of the
ELF. Veterans of the revolutionary justice environment of the Eritrean Struggle
are very secretive and do not allow themselves to be quoted publicly, but many
of them recall versions of rumors that spread at the time: Kidane and Welday
were accused of subversion against the ELF and treason for causing the
surrender of combatants. The zealous security officers might have thought the
killing would serve as a warning for others; or they might have been
trying to contain and hide the damaging sectarian allegations that exposed the
struggle to grave risks.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Others claim that after the
leadership of the ELF became aware of the killing and wanted to punish them,
the killers leaked some of the documents to gain sympathy from the public who
would not condone but be angry at the combatants who were surrendering to the
Ethiopians. But the leak and the wide spread of the documents had another
unintended result: it hastened the split of Isaias. If not for the embarrassing
situation the leadership found itself in after Welday and Kidane were killed,
and if it didn’t panic and properly contained the damage, it would have
certainly continued the surveillance calmly and reached a conclusive result.
But the exposure of the documents and the panicky move of the leadership placed
Isaias, the mastermind of the whole propaganda onslaught, in a precarious
situation. He in turn panicked and began to devise an escape strategy.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">At about the same time, the
General Command assigned Isaias Afwerki and Saleh Fekak (both members of the
General Command) to organize the people of the Highlands. They left the ELF
bases accompanied by nine-combatants and they carried along typewriters, duplicators
and other resources that would help them set up a local information unit. Once
the group reached a place around the village of Fgret, Isaias excused himself
for a few hours to visit his relatives in the area—he selected the three
Christian combatants in the group to accompany him. Hours went by and Isaias
didn’t return. Saleh Fekak and the six-combatants waited for another day and he
didn’t show up. On the third day, Saleh Fekak sent three combatants to look for
Isaias and his three companions; they failed in tracing his path in any of the
villages in the area. Saleh Fekak abandoned the mission and returned to the ELF
bases and reported that Isaias has disappeared with three combatants. Weeks
later, Isaias met other scout forces in the Merrara area and told them that he
could not work with <i>Qiyadda AlAmma</i> (General Command) and that
is why he abandoned his colleagues in Fgret—that was the beginning of his
split. It was then that Isaias edited <i>Nehnan Elamanan</i> and
publicly disseminated it after adding the names of Kidane Kiflu and Welday
Gidey to it.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">In 1991, members of what was
known as United Organization (UO), a conglomerate of parts of many struggle era
groups, entered Asmara. They had hoped to be recognized as a political party to
compete in Eritrean politics; but Isaias’ PFDJ had another idea. The UO members
were told that they were just individuals and should stop dreaming of
continuing as a political party. A small number of them, the helpless, were
absorbed in the public sector, the rest either went into exile anew or were
left to wander in Asmara in confusion. Shortly thereafter, many were silently
snatched by the PFDJ’s security apparatus and disappeared. One of those who
disappeared a few years later from his hotel room in Asmara was Mohammed Osman
Dayer, a veteran who was the security chief of the ELF when Kidane and Welday
were killed. In a short time, the PFDJ successfully blocked any future
testimony or impartial investigation into the case that propelled the tip of
Isaias propaganda spear.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The ambition of Isaias to have
his own organization goes back to 1969 when weeks before the convening of the
Adobha conference, he approached the late Mohammed Ahmed Abdu to agree with him
“<i>to establish and lead a military division composed purely of Christians
from the Eritrean highlands.”</i><a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_edn7"><span style="color: blue;">[vii]</span></a> Woldeyesus
Ammar laments<i>, “History has attested that Isayas Afeworki, a born loner, was
not able to heed to that important advice from his senior commander, Mohammed
Ahmed Abdu. Isayas carries on that absolutely negative trait to this day.
“ <a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_edn8"><span style="color: blue;">[viii]</span></a></i><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">To achieve his goal, Isaias has
perpetuated the mistrust among Eritreans for over forty years and to this day
continues to do so. From the outset, his attitude and views foretold what he
was planning: destroying the Eritrean Liberation Front from within, a goal he
made clear on his first day he arrived to Kassala via Tessenei in Western
Eritrea. He said, <i>“<b>The first day I arrived in Kassala</b>, I was
frustrated, people telling me about the ugly nature of the ELF. It was a
nightmare. For some reason that no one explained, we were ostracized.</i><b>” </b><a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_edn9"><span style="color: blue;">[ix]</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Isaias’ statement comes
regardless of the fact that he had just joined, and he couldn’t have observed
anything about the ELF on his first day of joining. Why then such a serious
allegation on his first day? As many who know him testify, his statement exposes
his bias and prejudice that he carried along with him from his past. Today,
Eritrea is under the mercy of Isaias because he was not challenged since a long
time ago when he was paving a path for his current tyrannical rule. He
consistently perpetuated a strategy of victim mentality until he achieved the
goal of creating an organization molded in his shape: the PFDJ.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Conclusions</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The November 1971 document
entitled “<i>Nehnan Elamanan</i>” [literally translated to “We And Our
Objectives” (but in its English translation “Our Struggle And Its Goals”)] most
likely started out as a document written by reformers but was eventually
changed into a Clarion Call of us (Christian highlanders) vs them (Muslims) by
Isaias Afwerki. It appeals to the baser instincts of Christian highlanders and
it flat out lies and exaggerates and, when necessary, omits the motives and
magnitude of the persecution of Eritreans by the ELF leadership. However,
because it was interlaced with revolutionary rhetoric, it was presented as a
respectable document to a selectively targeted group of influential Eritreans
and fellow-travelers in the socialist camp.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">In the late 1960s and early
1970s, as in now, the Eritrean people could not forgive two infractions: (a)
surrendering to the enemy and (b) splitting and weakening their liberation
organization. In trying to justify the former, and trying to prepare the Eritrean
people to accept the latter, the author of the final version of <i>Nehnan
Elamanan</i> (Isaias Afwerki) wildly exaggerates the number of Christian
highlanders that were killed by the ELF leadership (the document claims that
300 Christian highlanders were killed over a two year period but gives the name
of only two) and it uses specific language to suggest how they were killed:
knives slit with throats. However, despite all the inflammatory language,
in the mid 1970s, when Christian highlanders were given the opportunity to join
the field, a large percentage of them still joined the ELF—either because they
didn’t believe the accusations or because they hadn’t heard them
yet. The EPLF (precursor to the PFDJ) intensified its campaign of
painting the ELF as a “Muslim organization bent on slaughtering Christians” (“<i>Amma
Haradit</i>“) non-stop, until the organization collapsed in 1981 eaten within,
and assaulted without by the combined efforts of the Eritrean People’s
Liberation Front (EPLF) and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF.)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Note: next, in an article
entitled: “Srryet Addis: Blatant Lie?”, we will shed some light on the
allegation of what came to be known as Srryet Addis, the most sensational
allegation of Nehnan Elamanan. Subsequently, we will publish Gebremedhin Zerezghi’s
testimonial, available in Tigrinya booklet, which we translated to English. In
due time, we will also present to you the English translation of Nehnan
Elamanan after we thoroughly check its accuracy compared to the original
Tigrniya version.</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Recommended Reading:</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo2; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt; text-indent: -18.0pt;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">1.<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">An
Eyewitness In The History of The Eritrean Revolution, Gebremedhin Zerezghi, May
1997. (Will be published soon and this will be replaced by a link to it)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo2; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt; text-indent: -18.0pt;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">2.<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Woldeyesus
Ammar, “From The Mystries Of “Siriyet Addis.” April 25, 2004, (This article
first appeared on awate.com, on a column called Spotlight. Weldeyesus Ammara
was a high school classmate and a university colleague of Isaias Afwerki in the
1960s.<br />
_____________________________<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_ednref1"><span lang="IT" style="color: blue; mso-ansi-language: IT;">[i]</span></a></span><span lang="IT" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"> Isaias Tesfamariam
(California) interview </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><a href="http://www.ehrea.org/kidank.php"><span lang="IT" style="color: blue; mso-ansi-language: IT;">http://www.ehrea.org/kidank.php</span></a></span><span lang="IT" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"> (accessed Feb 6, 2012)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_ednref2"><span lang="IT" style="color: blue; mso-ansi-language: IT;">[ii]</span></a></span><span lang="IT" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"> ibid </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><a href="http://www.ehrea.org/kidank.php"><span lang="IT" style="color: blue; mso-ansi-language: IT;">http://www.ehrea.org/kidank.php</span></a></span><span lang="IT" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_ednref3"><span lang="IT" style="color: blue; mso-ansi-language: IT;">[iii]</span></a></span><span lang="IT" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"> ibid </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><a href="http://www.ehrea.org/kidank.php"><span lang="IT" style="color: blue; mso-ansi-language: IT;">http://www.ehrea.org/kidank.php</span></a></span><span lang="IT" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_ednref4"><span style="color: blue;">[iv]</span></a> Mesfin
Hagos in an interview with Radio Erina Dec. 1, 2011<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_ednref5"><span style="color: blue;">[v]</span></a> A
group of Christian Highlander recruits from Addis Ababa who were allegedly
killed by the ELF according to Nehnan Elamanan<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_ednref6"><span style="color: blue;">[vi]</span></a> Gebremedhin
Zerzghi, An Eyewitness In The History Of The Eritrean Revolution (originally a
Tigrinya booklet translated to English by the Awate Team)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_ednref7"><span style="color: blue;">[vii]</span></a> Woldeyesus
Ammar, a high school and university colleague of Isaias Afwerki: <a href="http://web.archive.org/web/20070505031415/http:/www.awate.com/portal/content/view/3076/8/"><span style="color: blue;">http://web.archive.org/web/20070505031415/http://www.awate.com/portal/content/view/3076/8/</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_ednref8"><span style="color: blue;">[viii]</span></a> More
on this by Woldeyesus Ammar: “….<i>Isayas opined that the 5th division to which
he belonged would be more effective if it is let to be “a pure Christian
and Kebessan force”. Mohammed Ahmed Abdu did not agree, and literally begged
Isayas not to pursue that idea. Mohammed Ahmed Abdu reminded Isayas that even
the ill-conceived division of ELA into regional commands required at least one
third of fighters to be from outside each regional command. </i><a href="http://web.archive.org/web/20070505031415/http:/www.awate.com/portal/content/view/3076/8/"><span style="color: blue;">http://web.archive.org/web/20070505031415/http://www.awate.com/portal/content/view/3076/8/</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><a href="http://awate.com/wp-admin/post-new.php#_ednref9"><span style="color: blue;">[ix]</span></a> Dan
Connell, Conversation with Eritrean Political Prisoners.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><a href="http://www.printfriendly.com/print/v2?url=http://awate.com/he-and-his-objectives/"><span style="color: blue; text-decoration-line: none;"><!--[if gte vml 1]><v:shape
id="Picture_x0020_10" o:spid="_x0000_i1034" type="#_x0000_t75" alt="Print Friendly"
href="http://www.printfriendly.com/print/v2?url=http://awate.com/he-and-his-objectives/"
style='width:12pt;height:11.25pt;visibility:visible;mso-wrap-style:square'
o:button="t">
<v:imagedata src="file:///C:/Users/Eier/AppData/Local/Temp/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image003.gif"
o:title="Print Friendly"/>
</v:shape><![endif]--><!--[if !vml]--><img alt="Print Friendly" border="0" height="15" src="file:///C:/Users/Eier/AppData/Local/Temp/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image003.gif" v:shapes="Picture_x0020_10" width="16" /><!--[endif]--></span><span style="color: blue;"> Print </span><span style="color: blue; text-decoration-line: none;"><!--[if gte vml 1]><v:shape id="Picture_x0020_9"
o:spid="_x0000_i1033" type="#_x0000_t75" alt="Get a PDF version of this webpage"
href="http://www.printfriendly.com/print/v2?url=http://awate.com/he-and-his-objectives/"
style='width:9pt;height:9pt;visibility:visible;mso-wrap-style:square'
o:button="t">
<v:imagedata src="file:///C:/Users/Eier/AppData/Local/Temp/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image004.gif"
o:title="Get a PDF version of this webpage"/>
</v:shape><![endif]--><!--[if !vml]--><img alt="Get a PDF version of this webpage" border="0" height="12" src="file:///C:/Users/Eier/AppData/Local/Temp/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image004.gif" v:shapes="Picture_x0020_9" width="12" /><!--[endif]--></span><span style="color: blue;"> PDF</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">This entry was posted in <a href="http://awate.com/category/documents/" title="View all posts in Documents"><span style="color: blue;">Documents</span></a>. Bookmark the <a href="http://awate.com/he-and-his-objectives/" title="Permalink to He And His Objectives"><span style="color: blue;">permalink</span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><a href="http://awate.com/need-for-change-of-attitude-by-eritreans/"><span style="color: blue;">← Need For Change Of Attitude By Eritreans</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><a href="http://awate.com/naizghi-kiflu-to-be-buried-in-asmara/"><span style="color: blue;">Naizghi Kiflu To Be Buried In Asmara →</span></a></span></p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-42134133293056627902024-01-16T00:25:00.000-08:002024-01-16T00:28:54.043-08:00لم يكن لمملكة أكسوم منفذ بحري خاص بها ولم تمتلك سفنًا<p style="text-align: right;"> </p><p align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right;"><b><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">لم يكن لمملكة أكسوم منفذ بحري خاص بها ولم تمتلك سفنًا</span></b><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">رئيس الوزراء الإثيوبي </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>,</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">آبي في خطابه
المسجل للبرلمان الذي بُث في 13 أكتوبر من العام الماضي ادعى أن 'إثيوبيا' (لم تكن
هناك دولة أو كيان يُدعى إثيوبيا آنذاك) كانت تمتلك تاريخيًا ميناءً على البحر
الأحمر. مملكة أكسوم، التي كانت واحدة من أقوى الممالك في أفريقيا في ذلك الوقت،
كانت تقع في تيقراي الحالية وجنوب إريتريا. ميناء أدوليس اي ميناء عزولي نفسه يقع
في إريتريا الحالية. تم اكتشاف حضارة ما قبل أكسوم في إريتريا</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> .</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">الابحاث في حوض أسمرا، عاصمة اريتريا، يشير إلى
إمكانية كبيرة لكشف أصول الحياة المستقرة في المرتفعات وتطور المجتمعات الحضرية
المبكرة في القرن الأفريقي</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Arabic%20on%20Adulis.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> إذا
كانت إثيوبيا الحالية تعتبران لها احقية تأريخية بمملكة أكسوم، فإن إريتريا واقليم
تيقراي، لهما احقية أكبر. ميناء أدوليس نفسه يقع في إريتريا الحالية.</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">في عام 1994، أجرى المتحف الوطني الإريتري حفريات في جبل كوكن أظهرت
نتائج مهمة حول الدور التاريخي لمدينة أغردات في غرب اريتريا. يعود تاريخ أغردات<a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Arabic%20on%20Adulis.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR" style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a>
إلى حوالي 2300 قبل الميلاد، وكانت مركزًا محوريًا في شبكات التجارة الإقليمية،
تربط وادي النيل بالمرتفعات الإريترية والإثيوبية، حتى "الفترة ما قبل
أكسوم" حوالي 400 قبل الميلاد</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">تم إنشاء ميناء أدوليس من قبل الأسرة البطلمية التي حكمت مصر لما يقرب
من ثلاثة قرون (305-30 ق.م)، وفي النهاية سقطت تحت سيطرة الرومان. استخدمت مملكة
أكسوم، وكذلك السودان الحالي، الميناء لأغراض تجارية، لكنها لم تمتلكه. أقدم تاريخ
مسجل عن أدوليس يُوجد في "بريبلوس البحر الإريتري: السفر والتجارة في المحيط
الهندي" ويُعتقد أنه كُتب في عام 60 ميلاديًا بواسطة مؤرخ ومسافر يوناني،</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> <span dir="RTL"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: justify; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">وتم ترجمة الكتاب إلى الإنجليزية
ونُشر بواسطة </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>‘</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">ويلفريد هارفي شوف<a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Arabic%20on%20Adulis.docx#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR" style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="NO-BOK" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: NO-BOK; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>’</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> في عام 1912. يُذكر الكتاب</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">اسم</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">أدوليس
31 مرة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">وقامت مملكة أكسوم بغزو اليمن في القرن السادس بدعم من قيصر روما،
الذي وفر للأكسوميين أسطولاً من السفن لنقل الجنود الأحباش إلى الساحل الغربي
لليمن. كمملكة برية، لم تمتلك أكسوم سفنًا<a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Arabic%20on%20Adulis.docx#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR" style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a>
، ولكن كانت تتاجر عبر ميناء أدوليس. كان الجيش الأكسومي بقيادة أبرهة، نائب الملك
الأكسومي في القرن السادس كاليب، الذي حكم اليمن أيضًا (هو وابنه) لمدة حوالي
سبعين عامًا</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">كان الغزو دعماً للمسيحيين الحميريين
المضطهدين في نجران باليمن (والتي تعتبر حاليًا جزءًا من المملكة العربية
السعودية)، الذين اعتبرهم الملك الحبشي ،كاليب، من المؤمنين بدينه. عندما أرسل
الإمبراطور الروماني جستن الأول سفارة بقيادة نونوس إلى أكسوم لدعوة المشاركة في
الحرب ضد الفرس، كانت المملكة لا تزال قوية وحربية، على الرغم من أن الملك، أسبها،
توسل بأنه لا يمتلك سفنًا واقترض ستين سفينة من جستن<a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Arabic%20on%20Adulis.docx#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR" style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a>.
ذو نواس، آخر ملوك الحميريين في اليمن، كان لديه تعاطف مع اليهود وكان مضطهدًا
بارزًا للمسيحيين. أسبها من أكسوم، الذي ادعي لاحقًا أنه أصبح راهبًا، كان مسيحيًا
متعصب، وغزي اليمن لنصرة المسيحيين هناك</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>:
</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">والحملة التي جهزها لتخفيف معاناة
أبناء دينه كانت ناجحة. تم قتل ذو نواس، وأصبح اليمن تابعًا لأكسوم مع تعيين حاكم
من قبل الملك<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">مسيرة أبرهة
مثيرة للاهتمام بشكل خاص بسبب حملته على مكة<a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Arabic%20on%20Adulis.docx#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR" style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a>
في عام 570، والتي ذكرت في القرآن في "صورة الفيل". كانت مدينة سفار
مقراً لكنيسة تم تدنيسها من قبل عرب قريش، وانتقاماً لذلك، توجه أبرهة إلى مكة،
موقع حجر مقدس عرف فيما بعد باسم "الكعبة"، بثلاثة عشر فيلاً وجيش كبير.
لكنه فشل حيث أصيب جيشه بالجدري</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: #374151; font-family: Söhne, ui-sans-serif, system-ui, -apple-system, "Segoe UI", Roboto, Ubuntu, Cantarell, "Noto Sans", sans-serif, "Helvetica Neue", Arial, "Apple Color Emoji", "Segoe UI Emoji", "Segoe UI Symbol", "Noto Color Emoji"; font-size: 16px; white-space-collapse: preserve;">يمكنك قراءة الكتاب، "البريبلوس للبحر الأريثري" على هذا الرابط</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212713;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212857;"></span></span><a href="https://hedgait.blogspot.com/2017/01/the-periplus-of-erythrean-sea.html"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212713;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212857;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 17.12px; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">https://hedgait.blogspot.com/2017/01/the-periplus-of-erythrean-sea.html</span></span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212713;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212857;"></span></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212713;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212857;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 17.12px; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p><p align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p><span style="font-size: 12pt; text-align: left;"> </span> </o:p></span></p>
<p align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p align="right" class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p align="right" class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p align="right" class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Arabic%20on%20Adulis.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="color: black; font-size: 9pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="color: black; font-size: 9pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="color: black; font-size: 9pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">Schmidt, P. R., M. C. Curtis and Z. Teka (2008). The archaeology of
ancient Eritrea. Trenton, NJ, Red Sea Press</span><span lang="NO-BOK" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: NO-BOK; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Arabic%20on%20Adulis.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-size: 9pt; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-size: 9pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: NO-BOK; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"> </span><span lang="NO-BOK" style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: NO-BOK; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">Brandt, S. A. M., A.; Perlingieri, C. (2008). </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">Linking the Highlands and Lowlands: Implications of a Test Excavation at
Kokan Rockshelter, Agordat, Eritrea. The Archaeology of Ancient Eritrea. P. R.
Schmidt, Curtis, Matthew, Zelalem Teka. Trenton (NJ), Red Sea Press.</span><b><span style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 9pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"> : </span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">33-47.</span><span lang="NO-BOK" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: NO-BOK; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Arabic%20on%20Adulis.docx#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-size: 9pt; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-size: 9pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">Wilfred Harvey Schoff,
The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea: Travel and Trade in the Indian Ocean (New
York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1912), 60.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Arabic%20on%20Adulis.docx#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> </span><span lang="IT" style="font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: IT;">Al-Shami, Al-Manhal Fi Tarikh Wa Akhbar al-Afar
(Al-Danakil), 124–32.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn5" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Arabic%20on%20Adulis.docx#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> </span><span style="font-size: 9pt;">Paul A. History of the Beja, p. 48-49<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn6" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Arabic%20on%20Adulis.docx#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 107%;">[6]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-size: 9pt;"> Paul A. History of the Beja, p. 49</span><o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
</div>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-72240774068082005812024-01-15T03:22:00.000-08:002024-01-16T00:30:24.806-08:00The Axumite Kingdom was a landlocked Kingdom and had no ships<p> </p><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The Axumite Kingdom was a landlocked
Kingdom and had no ships<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">PM Abiy in his recorded speech to
the Ethiopian Parliament aired on 13 October, last year claimed, ‘Ethiopia’
(there was no country or state called Ethiopia. then) had historically had a port on the Red Sea. The Axumite which was
one of the strongest kingdoms in Africa at that time<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>was<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>in
current Tigray and Southern Eritrea. The port of Adulis itself lies <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>in current Eritrea. Pre-Axumite civilization
has been uncovered in Eritrea. Research in the Asmara Basin suggests
significant potential for uncovering the origins of settled life in the
highlands and the development of early urban-like communities in the Horn of
Africa. In research in the Asmara Basin suggests significant potential for
uncovering the origins of settled life in the highlands and the development of
early urban-like communities in the Horn of Africa<a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Axum%20landlocked%20no%20ships.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">In 1994, excavations conducted by
the National Eritrean Museum in Kokan revealed significant findings about
Agordat's historical role. Dating back to around 2300 BCE, Agordat was a
pivotal centre in the regional trade networks, linking the Nile valley with the
Eritrean and Ethiopian highlands<a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Axum%20landlocked%20no%20ships.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
up until the "Pre-Axumite period" around 400 BCE.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The port of Adulis was established
by Ptolemaic Dynasty that controlled Egypt for almost three centuries (305-30
BCE), eventually falling to the Romans. The Axumite Kingdom, as well as current
Sudan used the port for commercial purposes, but did not own it. The earliest
recorded history about Adulis is found in <i>“The Periplus of the Erythrean
Sea: Travel and Trade in the Indian Ocean”</i> believed to written in 60 CE <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>by a Greek historian and traveller and the
book was translated to English and published by Wilfred Harvey Schoff in 1912.
Adulis is mentioned 31 times in the book. Some excerpts from the book: <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">“<b>Adulis</b>.—The present port is Massawa,
centre of the Italian colony of Eritrea, which lies near the mouth of the bay
of Adulis. The ancient name is preserved in the modern village of Zula. The
location has been described by J. Theodore Bent, (&-cred City of the
Ethiopians, London, 1896: pp. 228-230). It is on the west side of Annesley Bay,
and numerous black basalt ruins are still visible there. <b>Adulis was one of
the colonies of Ptolemy Philadelphus and was always of commercial importance
because it was the natural port for Abyssinia and the Sudan<a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Axum%20landlocked%20no%20ships.docx#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">[3]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.</b>
It seems to have been built by Syrian Greeks.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> Some excerpts from the book:</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">“Below Ptolemais of the Hunts, at a
distance of about three thousand stadia, there is Adulis, a port established by
law, situated at the inner end of a bay that runs in toward the south. Before
the harbour is the so-called Mountain Island, about two hundred stadia seaward
from the very head of the bay, with the shores of the mainland close on both
sides. Ships bound for this port now anchor here because of attacks from the
land. They anchored at the very head of the bay by an island called Diodorus,
which was close to the shore, but could be reached on foot from the land and by
which means the barbarous natives attacked the island. Opposite Mountain
Island, on the mainland twenty stadia from shore, was Adulis, a fair-sized
village, from which it was a three-day journey to Coloe, an inland town and the
first market for ivory. From that place to the city of the people called
Auxumites was a five-day journey more. All the ivory was brought to that place
from the country beyond the Nile through the district called Cyeneum, and
thence to Adulis. Practically the entire number of elephants and rhinoceroses
killed live in places inland, although at rare intervals they are hunted on the
seacoast even near Adulis. Before the harbour of that market town, out at sea
on the right are a great many little sandy islands called Alalaei. They yield
tortoiseshell, which is brought to market there by the Fish-Eater<a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Axum%20landlocked%20no%20ships.docx#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>s.”
<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The <b>Axumite Kingdom even invaded
Yemen with the support of the Caesar of Rome</b>, who provided the Aksumites
with a fleet of ships to use to carry Abyssinian soldiers to the west coast of
Yemen. <b>As a landlocked kingdom, Aksum possessed no ships and had no maritime
domains but did have limited access via the port of Adulis<a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Axum%20landlocked%20no%20ships.docx#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">[5]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.</b>
The Aksumites’ army was headed by Abraha, viceroy of the sixth-century Aksumite
king Kaleb, who also ruled Yemen (himself and his son) for about seventy years.
The invasion was in support of persecuted Himyarite Christians of Najran of
Yemen (presently part of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia), whom Kaleb considered
coreligionists. When Roman Emperor Justin I sent sent an embassy under Nonnus, to
Axum to invite participation in the war against Persia, the kingdom was still powerful
and warlike, though the king, Asbaha, pleaded he had no ships and borrowed
sixty ships<a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Axum%20landlocked%20no%20ships.docx#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
from Justin. Dhu Nuwwas , the last of Himyarite kings of Yemen, had Jewish sympathies
and was a notable prosecutor of the Christians. Asbaha of Axum, who was alleged
later to have become a monk, was an equally fanatic Christian and the
expedition which he equipped for the relief of his co-religionists <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>was successful. Dhu Nuwwas was killed, and the
Yemen became a dependency of Axum with a governor appointed by the king.<a name="_Hlk156212857"></a><a name="_Hlk156212713"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212857;"><o:p></o:p></span></a></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"></span></p><p class="MsoNormal">Abraha’s career is of particular interest on account of his
expedition to Mecca in 570 which is mentioned in the Koran, as ‘Battle of the
Elephant’. The town of Saphar was the seat of a Church desecrated by the Arabs
of Quraish and in revenge Abraha marched to Mecca, the site of a sacred stone
later to be famous as ‘Ka’ba’ with thirteen elephants and a large army. He
failed as his army was smitten by smallpox.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212713;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212857;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212713;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212857;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">You can read,
the book, ‘ The periplus of the Erythrean Sea’ at this link:<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212713;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212857;"></span></span><a href="https://hedgait.blogspot.com/2017/01/the-periplus-of-erythrean-sea.html"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212713;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212857;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">https://hedgait.blogspot.com/2017/01/the-periplus-of-erythrean-sea.html</span></span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212713;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212857;"></span></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212713;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212857;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212713;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212857;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212713;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212857;"><span style="font-family: GentiumBasic; font-size: 11.5pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: GentiumBasic; mso-font-kerning: 0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p>
<span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212857;"></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk156212713;"></span>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Axum%20landlocked%20no%20ships.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span class="NoneB"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">Schmidt, P. R., M. C. Curtis and Z.
Teka (2008). The archaeology of ancient Eritrea. Trenton, NJ, Red Sea Press</span></span><o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Axum%20landlocked%20no%20ships.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span class="NoneB"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">Brandt, S. A. M., A.; Perlingieri,
C. (2008). </span></span><span class="NoneB"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">Linking the
Highlands and Lowlands: Implications of a Test Excavation at Kokan Rockshelter,
Agordat, Eritrea. The Archaeology of Ancient Eritrea. P. R. Schmidt, Curtis,
Matthew, Zelalem Teka. Trenton (NJ), Red Sea Press.</span></span><b><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">
: </span></b><span class="NoneB"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">33-47.</span></span><o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Axum%20landlocked%20no%20ships.docx#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> Wilfred
Harvey Schoff, The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea: Travel and Trade in the
Indian Ocean (New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1912), 60.<o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Axum%20landlocked%20no%20ships.docx#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> Same
book as above, p.22<o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn5" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Axum%20landlocked%20no%20ships.docx#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="mso-ansi-language: IT;"> <span lang="IT">Al-Shami, Al-Manhal Fi Tarikh Wa
Akhbar al-Afar (Al-Danakil), 124–32.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn6" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Axum%20landlocked%20no%20ships.docx#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> Paul
A. History of the Beja, p. 48-49<o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
</div><br /><p></p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-42210688984519738872024-01-10T23:58:00.000-08:002024-01-11T00:19:45.235-08:00A Tale of Two reform Movements in PLF/EPLF/PFDJ of 1973 and of 2001<p> </p><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">A Tale of Two reform Movements in
PLF/EPLF/PFDJ of 1973 and of 2001<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">This text looks at a comparison of
two significant reform movements within the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front
(EPLF), specifically focusing on the so called ‘<i>Menkae’</i> or ‘destructive movement
of 1973’ as labelled by the leadership of PLF, but a ‘Democratic Movement’ by
others on one side, and the G15 demands of 2001. Both movements, despite being
separated by 28 years, share striking similarities in their objectives and
outcomes, particularly in their confrontation with a central figure, the
accused and the perpetrator, Isaias Afwerki.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The <i>Menkae</i> movement of 1973,
labelled as the "destructive movement" by the PLF leadership, was
detailed in an extensive 86-page report. Notably, 23 pages of this report
contained responses to the issues raised by the movement, written by Isaias
Afwerki himself and endorsed fully by the leadership on November 6, 1973. The
Menkae accused Afwerki of overstepping his bounds by interfering in various
departmental functions, despite the presence of appointed heads. This
accusation is encapsulated in Musie Tesfamichael's criticism, as cited by
Mesfin Hagos (p. 88), where Tesfamichael likened Afwerki's handling of the
revolution to the casual use of a handkerchief,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><b>“You consider the revolution like a handkerchief, you fold it into
your pocket or blow your nose with it when you chose.” </b>The conflict took a
provincial dimension, most of the Menkae group were from the highland province
of Akle Guzai and most of the fighter of PLF 1 at that time were from Hamassein
province by virtue of their location in the province. Traces of this provincial
phenomena still haunts Eritrea.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">Haile Menkerios, a new fighter then,
who in 2001 was a member of the G 15, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>described the division of a revolutionary
front into three distinct groups during the 'Menkae uprising':<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The Menkae Group</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">: This faction consisted of educated fighters who criticized the
front's leadership as backward. They advocated for a complete overhaul of the
leadership, promoting scientific socialism as their guiding principle. Their
aim was a national democratic revolution with socialist characteristics,
ultimately leading to communism. This group was strongly leftist, sharing many
beliefs with the general ideology of the front. They viewed the leadership as
feudal and believed Isaias was aligned with feudalist perspective that a change
was necessary.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">Solomon’s Group</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">: Originating from the Hamasien region, they initially sided with
the Menkae but later opposed both them and Isaias. Initially, there were claims
of Solomon being targeted for assassination, but his group refrained from
glorifying him. They began to perceive Solomon as indistinguishable from the
rest of the leadership, advocating for change. Eventually, Solomon shifted his
allegiance back to the leadership, helping to form a united front against both
the Menkae and his former supporters. He had a history of fluctuating
alliances, initially attacking the Akele Guzai, then supporting the Menkae, and
ultimately opposing both. Solomon was recognized for his effective
organizational skills and began to imprison fighters.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The Third Group:</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"> This faction agreed that the leadership was feudalistic but argued
for a systematic approach to change. They believed that a rapid overhaul would
exacerbate the existing divide between the Hamasien and Akele Guzai regions,
potentially leading to more significant issues. This group sought a more
gradual and strategic approach to leadership transition, aiming to maintain
unity and stability within the front.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">Similarly, in 2001, the G15 group,
comprising members of the leadership of the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>People's Front for Democracy and Justice
(PFDJ), expressed concerns in an open letter. They <b>criticized the President
for acting in an illegal and unconstitutional manner, failing to consult, and
highlighted the lack of oversight by legislative and executive bodies.</b>
Intriguingly, Petros Solomon, who was pardoned in 1973 during the Menkae
movement, found himself again in the midst of controversy as part of the G15.
Similarly, Mesfin Hagos, who had previously supported the PLF leadership's
severe measures against the Menkae, joined the 2001 group, echoing similar
demands for reform. The reformists of 1973 stated that it was important to form
mass organizations and recruit through them to reduce the problem of enemy spies
infiltrating the organization and indicated there was no unit established to
address this issue. Ironically the unit called, <i>Halawa Sowra</i> (guardians
of the revolution) was established after their purge and this unit became the
main instrument of Isaias’s consolidation of power in the EPLF.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The Menkae criticised the leadership
of the PLF, for lack of democratic practises, for lack of accountability, for
failures in 7 battles that resulted in unnecessary death of fighters, for
restrictions in the freedom of expression, for intimidation of those who
challenged the leadership, for using force against the masses instead of
dealing with them with respect. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The G15 additionally stated that
confidence of the general membership of the front as well as the general public
in the leadership and the party has been reduced, criticized the disastrous
consequences of the border war with Ethiopia 1998-2000, indicated People want a
transparent, accountable, institutionalized, and legal administration, asked
for guarantee for human and democratic rights of citizens, expressed need for concrete
measures to implement and guarantee their professed aims of establishing a
constitutional government, establishment of a constitutional government through
free and fair elections, and that differences inside the front and the
government to be resolved peacefully, democratically and legally. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">It is difficult to predict what
would have happened if the reformists of 1973 would have won and Isaias’s
ambitions were curtailed at an early stage; but one thing is clear, his absence
would have set the Eritrean revolution in the right path.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">Isaias created the perception that
he was indispensable to the organization in both 1973 and in 2001. Mesfin Hagos
recalled in his book (p. 234) that he several times thought of killing Isaias because
he had continuously demonized <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>him, but
later did not pursue that goal because as he stated, “at no point I could convince
myself that the revolution could find a replacement for Isaias as half
effective as he.” In 2001, many PFDJ<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>leaders may have stood with Isaias for the same reasons.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The fate of the reformists of both
1973 and 2001 was similar. As Isaias was not strong enough in 1973, the
presumed ring leaders were arrested, investigated, and tried by committees loyal
to the leadership and the final decision was approved by the leadership of the
PLF. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The prominent leaders of<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the movement were summarily executed. Isaias
made sure since then that no one challenged him and if they did, they were
eliminated. The G 15 members who happened to be in Eritrea and all those who
were suspected to be their supporters have disappeared since their arrest on
the 18<sup>th</sup> of September of 2001. Most are feared dead. Ten years later
even some of the PFDJ leaders <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>who
demonised the G 15, were suspected of involvement in the army uprising of 2013
and have since disappeared.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">In the response Isaias gave to the
reformists of 1973, on lack of democracy. He explained that in a revolutionary
organization, all members of the organization, elect a legislative Council (LC)
that represents them in a democratic way. This Council in turn formulates the
political program and structure of the organization and elects an Executive Committee
(EC), The Legislative Council <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>represents
the highest power. The EC, based on the directives of the LC distributes the
roles and responsibility and functions to each member of the organization. At
the designated dates of the meetings, the EC presents its reports to the LC.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The G 15, in their open letter,
highlighted the irregularities in the functioning of the Executive Committee
and Central Council of the PFDJ (People's Front for Democracy and Justice).
They pointed out that since 1994, the Executive Committee had met only 11 times
instead of the scheduled 84, and the Central Council met just twice during the
three-year war with TPLF, instead of nine times as scheduled. This <b>lack of
regular meetings effectively centralized decision-making power in the hands of
the Chairman, leading to a decline in transparency, accountability, and
democratic processes, particularly evident during the border war with Ethiopia.<o:p></o:p></b></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">But the domination of Isaias did not begin in 2001. Yemane Teklegergish reported that during the 2nd congress of the EPLF's clandestine party in March 1987 </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Isaias told the participants that the nine central committee (CC) </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;">members and two reserve members elected in 1976 never met, not even for a single day, and thus </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;">the CC did not do its job. When challenged to explain why the CC did not meet for ten years, </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;">Isaias responded by saying there were and still are contradictions among them, and those </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;">contradictions had spread to other members, but he did not elaborate what sort of contradictions </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;">those were. However, when pressed hard, Isaias told the gathering, “When I say that the CC did not </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;">meet, I do not mean that no work was done. Each of the members took instructions from me and </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;">worked.” Yemane interprets this to mean that Isaias was telling us he was the only one who </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;">worked in the party and the EPLF.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">This narrative draws attention to
the cyclical nature of political dissent and reform within the context of the
Eritrean liberation struggle, highlighting the enduring issues of leadership,
governance, and accountability.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: black;">The 2001, G 15 open letter to all
PFDJ members in Tigrinya:</span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<a href="http://www.snitna.com/docs/Open_Letter_to_PFDJ_Members_by_G_15_tigrinya.pdf" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">http://www.snitna.com/docs/Open_Letter_to_PFDJ_Members_by_G_15_tigrinya.pdf</a><span style="color: black;"><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
<span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">The 2001, G 15 open letter to all PFDJ members in English:</span><br style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" />
</span><a href="http://www.snitna.com/docs/Open_Letter_to_All_PFDJ_Members_by_G_15_english.pdf" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">http://www.snitna.com/docs/Open_Letter_to_All_PFDJ_Members_by_G_15_english.pdf</a><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://hedgait.blogspot.com/2023/11/haile-menkerios-on-plf-leadership.html">https://hedgait.blogspot.com/2023/11/haile-menkerios-on-plf-leadership.html</a><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://hedgait.blogspot.com/2016/03/1973-plf-2-isaiass-group-version-on-so.html">https://hedgait.blogspot.com/2016/03/1973-plf-2-isaiass-group-version-on-so.html</a><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""PT Sans",sans-serif" style="background: white; color: #202020; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">Mesfin Hagos with Awet
Tewelde Weldemichael</span>, 2023. An African Revolution Reclaimed: A memoir of
an Eritrean Freedom, Red Sea Press <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal">Teklegergish, Yemane, My Experience with the Eritrean
People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), Part 2 (Germany: 2018).<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p><br /><p></p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-25896452219965320152024-01-10T23:08:00.000-08:002024-01-10T23:08:35.707-08:00The Lutheran Church of Sweden and its Evangelical Mission in Eritrea 1866-1993<p> </p><h1 style="background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit; color: #333333; font-family: sweden_sansbold; font-size: 2.5em; letter-spacing: 0.2px; line-height: 1.2; margin: 0px 0px 10px;">Sweden in Eritrea 1866-1993</h1><div class="article-block__info" style="background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit; color: #333333; font-family: sweden_sansregular; font-size: 16px; margin-bottom: 18px;"><span style="font-size: 22px;">Eritrea and Sweden share a history of more than a century and a half. On the foundation of religious, cultural, educational and health cooperation summarized in this report, today’s bonds between the two peoples are strong.</span></div><div class="article-block__info" style="background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit; color: #333333; font-family: sweden_sansregular; font-size: 16px; margin-bottom: 18px;"><p style="box-sizing: inherit; font-family: Roboto; font-size: 20px; margin-bottom: 1.2em; margin-top: 0px;">For centuries, Eritrea was colonized by successive external powers. In the shadow of Egyptian, Italian, British and Ethiopian rule, there was strong engagement in Sweden for the people of Eritrea.</p><p style="box-sizing: inherit; font-family: Roboto; font-size: 20px; margin-bottom: 1.2em; margin-top: 0px;">The Lutheran Church of Sweden and its Evangelical Mission, particularly, worked for more than a hundred years to promote education and vocational training, typography and book printing, health care and opportunities for the deaf. Swedish civil society support for Eritrea’s independence struggle culminated in the official recognition of Eritrea as an independent state in 1993.</p><p style="box-sizing: inherit; font-family: Roboto; font-size: 20px; margin-bottom: 1.2em; margin-top: 0px;"><a href="https://www.swedenabroad.se/globalassets/ambassader/eritrea/sweden-in-eritrea.pdf" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: inherit; color: #005293; word-break: break-word;">Download the </a><a href="https://www.swedenabroad.se/globalassets/ambassader/eritrea/sweden-in-eritrea.pdf" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: inherit; color: #005293; word-break: break-word;">report: Sweden in Eritrea 1866-1993</a></p></div>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-53964982756906853992023-12-23T04:22:00.000-08:002023-12-23T04:24:42.959-08:00برقيد نحمدو ظلال التاريخ، مخاض الإنتماء وحقائق الواقع: نظرة تحليلية بقلم عبد الرازق كرار<p style="text-align: center;"> <b style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-size: medium;">برقيد نحمدو ظلال التاريخ، مخاض الإنتماء وحقائق الواقع</span></b></p><p style="text-align: right;"><b>بقلم عبد الرازق كرار</b></p><p style="text-align: right;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiGKGgdjkNhebGGkCXsGAI3nB3wbECCoVePCxLcnpS6tFOWqeenjW3gK38H4S2vjsjYltp4Aj-PrvDwzxYjjOilHoqk-RQL6SlmaM_mlVBe0gXXCJYvPagw2N0A4R1IvyPeN6qj2Sstdaq31zjavSjzlsIMYMds1nF7lxDV7kZjbLlDC8-lD4pLf1r9QnM/s275/Bir%20Nh.jpeg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="183" data-original-width="275" height="192" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiGKGgdjkNhebGGkCXsGAI3nB3wbECCoVePCxLcnpS6tFOWqeenjW3gK38H4S2vjsjYltp4Aj-PrvDwzxYjjOilHoqk-RQL6SlmaM_mlVBe0gXXCJYvPagw2N0A4R1IvyPeN6qj2Sstdaq31zjavSjzlsIMYMds1nF7lxDV7kZjbLlDC8-lD4pLf1r9QnM/w323-h192/Bir%20Nh.jpeg" width="323" /></a></p><p style="text-align: right;"><span face="Calibri, sans-serif" style="font-size: 18.6667px; text-align: justify;">:المقدمة</span></p><p style="text-align: right;"><span face="Calibri, sans-serif" style="font-size: 14pt; text-align: justify;">إن
الحراك الذي ينتظم الكثير من مدن المهجر تحت مظلة (برقيد نحمدو) أو لواء الأرض وفق
الترجمة الشائعة، وإن كان حراكاً في الخارج لكن يمكن وصفه بأنه ضمن الحالات
النادرة التي حدث فيها تحدي حقيقي لسلطة النظام مما أفقده البوصلة، وبدأ في توجيه
الاتهام الى الموساد الاسرائيلي والمخابرات الغربية، وكأنه يريد أن يقول أن عمل
منظم بهذا الشكل هو فوق قدرات الجاليات الإرترية المعارضة في الخارج، وهو أكبر من
قدرات الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير تغراي والتي إلى وقت قريب كانت متهمة من قبل أذرع
النظام الظاهرة والخفية بأنها من تقف خلف هذا الحراك بسبب هزيمتها العسكرية في
الحرب الأخيرة في إثيوبيا.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-right: 68.7pt; text-align: right; text-indent: -63.8pt; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="RTL"></span>
</p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: justify; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">بيد
أن المعارضة الارترية بشكل عام وفي شقها المنظم على وجه الخصوص ليست أفضل حظاً في
فقدان البوصلة تجاه هذه الحراك من النظام، حيث نشهد انقسام واضح تجاه (برقيد
نحمدو) هو ما ستحاول هذه المقالة الاجتهاد في مناقشته، لعلها قد تفتح الباب لنقاش
موضوعي بناء حول هذا الحراك أسبابه ومآلاته وكيفية التعاطي معه.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: justify; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">الخاتمة</span></b><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-font-weight: bold; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">:</span><b><span dir="LTR" face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: justify; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">
<span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">إن
حراك برقيد نحمدو هو في جوهره تمظهر لغضب متراكم جراء سياسات النظام، وقد ساهمت
عوامل اجتماعية وسياسية داخلية واقليمية في ظهوره في هذا التوقيت وبهذا الشكل، وهو
واحد من الظواهر المعدودة التي أربكت النظام الإرتري، وبالتالي ليس من الحكمة
التماهي مع توصيفات النظام أو سياساته في شيطنة الحراك، ولكن في نفس الوقت ليس من
الحكمة أيضاً التغافل عن أوجه القصور التي تتعلق بطرحه ومنهجه. واضعين في الاعتبار
القواعد التي أرستها المقالة في الفقرة السابقة، فإن المطلوب تعاطي إيجابي بناء مع
هذا الحراك وليس التماهي الأعمى معه. إن القوى السياسية والمدنية والناشطين
والباحثين عليهم مسؤولية أكبر في صياغة خط يراعي الظروف الاجتماعية والسياسية التي
أدت الى ظهور الحراك بشكله الحالي، وفي ذات الوقت تنتبه لطبيعة الحلول التي
يقترحها قادة الحراك سواء ذات الرافعة الاجتماعية المحدودة، أو الهويات العابرة
للحدود القومية للدول، ولا يتم هذا إلا من خلال مد خطوط التواصل وبناء جسور الثقة
مع الحراك وقادته وقواعده، ودعمه في الأهداف المشتركة المتمثلة في التصدي للنظام
القمعي وسياساته، في ذات الوقت الاشارة الى كل أوجه القصور التي تعتري الحراك،
والمساهمة الفاعلة والمباشرة أو غير المباشرة في معالجة أوجه القصور إذا كان ذلك
متأتياً، فحراك بهذه الأهمية ليس من الحكمة تجاهل وجوده أو تأثيره على الحاضر
والمستقبل الإرتري</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: justify; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span face="Calibri, sans-serif"><span style="font-size: 18.6667px;"><b>يتناول الكاتب</b></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: justify; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span face="Calibri, sans-serif"><span style="font-size: 18.6667px;">المقدمة:</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: justify; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span face="Calibri, sans-serif"><span style="font-size: 18.6667px;">البدايات:</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: justify; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span face="Calibri, sans-serif"><span style="font-size: 18.6667px;">الرافعة الاجتماعية:</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: justify; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span face="Calibri, sans-serif"><span style="font-size: 18.6667px;">التمظهر السياسي لإعادة التأسيس النفسي والاجتماعي:</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: justify; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span face="Calibri, sans-serif"><span style="font-size: 18.6667px;">استدعاء التاريخ في فهم الظاهرة:</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: justify; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span face="Calibri, sans-serif"><span style="font-size: 18.6667px;">حراك برقيد نحمدو من منظور محلي: </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: justify; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span face="Calibri, sans-serif"><span style="font-size: 18.6667px;">حراك برقيد نحمدو والحلول التجزيئية لمشكل يتطلب حلول شاملة:</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: justify; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span face="Calibri, sans-serif"><span style="font-size: 18.6667px;">كيفية التعاطي معه:</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: justify; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 115%;"><span face="Calibri, sans-serif"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-size: 18.6667px; line-height: 115%;"></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: justify; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span face="Calibri, sans-serif"><span style="font-size: 18.6667px;">الخاتمة:</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: justify; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-size: 18.6667px; line-height: 115%;"><span face="Calibri, sans-serif"><b>للمزيد:</b></span></span></p><p><a href="https://www.mediafire.com/file/n5semyjd94aymwx/برقيد+نحمدو-+ظلال+التاريخ،+مخاض+الانتماء+وحقائق+الواقع.pdf/file">https://www.mediafire.com/file/n5semyjd94aymwx/برقيد+نحمدو-+ظلال+التاريخ،+مخاض+الانتماء+وحقائق+الواقع.pdf/file</a><br /></p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-43428209655208683422023-12-23T03:55:00.000-08:002023-12-23T10:12:10.406-08:00The US Integrated Country Strategy (ICS) for Eritrea November 2023<p> </p><p><b><span style="background-color: white;">The </span><span face="-apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, "Segoe UI", Roboto, Oxygen, Oxygen-Sans, Ubuntu, Cantarell, "Helvetica Neue", "Open Sans", sans-serif" style="background-color: white; font-size: 16px;">US Integrated Country Strategy (ICS) for Eritrea, reviewed and updated on November 17, 2023,</span></b></p><p><b><span face="-apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, "Segoe UI", Roboto, Oxygen, Oxygen-Sans, Ubuntu, Cantarell, "Helvetica Neue", "Open Sans", sans-serif" style="background-color: white; font-size: 16px;"><br /></span></b></p><p><b></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: right;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: right;"><b><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEha181RK5Bm3eY28iIPg-Obp-sygiGvnHwlokYjZY0nyhECvdnSGy7q3qbbllZhfPplVJZvXKA-MV5KB0VXBT_R0gnPD8Jj2Po3NQvLk6ybT7xocEjBM10iqNnLVVhsNEUIqKqNjDce2ff7q3mXHengzFrttwtFEUhhQbY3HCc06NCT8ru1TqKP6OLSG8I/s778/US%20Flag.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="514" data-original-width="778" height="113" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEha181RK5Bm3eY28iIPg-Obp-sygiGvnHwlokYjZY0nyhECvdnSGy7q3qbbllZhfPplVJZvXKA-MV5KB0VXBT_R0gnPD8Jj2Po3NQvLk6ybT7xocEjBM10iqNnLVVhsNEUIqKqNjDce2ff7q3mXHengzFrttwtFEUhhQbY3HCc06NCT8ru1TqKP6OLSG8I/w196-h113/US%20Flag.png" width="196" /></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiLhMz-IVraV-JCh1ymdCjAy3yhWtkNFvtXl4RDnN_fGrQeBq1TN2mWa8m53LLvxBzZLHF91DqejM7ReGjoOqXx3Ih_yFq1ELg6N8cJMVdvemz4hSBSiXFK_fJMCW9xa70f_905kSlKHIAksLQ1j5FCFPhjIVhvn82Adbywl6j88hUpVB1rwIglJSobDp8/s694/Eritrea%20flag.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="422" data-original-width="694" height="115" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiLhMz-IVraV-JCh1ymdCjAy3yhWtkNFvtXl4RDnN_fGrQeBq1TN2mWa8m53LLvxBzZLHF91DqejM7ReGjoOqXx3Ih_yFq1ELg6N8cJMVdvemz4hSBSiXFK_fJMCW9xa70f_905kSlKHIAksLQ1j5FCFPhjIVhvn82Adbywl6j88hUpVB1rwIglJSobDp8/w226-h115/Eritrea%20flag.png" width="226" /></a></b></div></div><span style="background-color: white;"><p><span style="background-color: white;"><br /></span></p>Unlike the <b>2022 US strategy, which described Eritrea as </b></span><b>one of Africa’s most repressive and impoverished dictatorships, which is also hostile to the United States; the new 2023 strategy commends Eritrea on some sectors and intends to engage with Eritrea. It has also watered down its criticism of the country's human rights record. While the 2022 strategy called, "Prepare for the post-Isaias era:</b> Our diplomatic engagement and public diplomacy programming
are focused on laying the groundwork for better relations in the post-Isaias era by building ties
with the Eritrean people. The president is in his late seventies. He will not rule forever. Our
public diplomacy programs, including the American Center, which attracts 100-250 visitors per
day, are designed to cultivate close relations with students, educators, artists, intellectuals,
businesspeople, religious leaders, technocrats in the government, people with disabilities, and
other civil society contacts. We also coordinate closely with local diplomatic counterparts who
share our values and vision for a more democratic Eritrea." <p></p><p><b>The current strategy aims to "Sharing American values and fostering relations with Eritreans</b>: Our diplomatic engagement
and public diplomacy programming are focused on laying the groundwork for building ties with
the Eritrean people."</p><p><br /></p><p>Can be downloaded at the link below:</p><p><a href="https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/ICS_AF_Eritrea_Public.pdf" style="font-family: -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, "Segoe UI", Roboto, Oxygen, Oxygen-Sans, Ubuntu, Cantarell, "Helvetica Neue", "Open Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 16px;">https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/ICS_AF_Eritrea_Public.pdf</a></p><p><b> Chief of Mission Priorities </b></p><p>The November 2022 Cessation of Hostilities Agreement brought an end to a two-year conflict in
northern Ethiopia and precipitated the withdrawal of Eritrean troops from the Tigray region.
The peace process and Eritrea’s de-escalation of military presence provides an opportunity to
reshape bilateral relations with Eritrea to a more productive end, including peace and
development in the Horn of Africa. The U.S. Embassy in Asmara, Eritrea, strives to build on this
positive change and increase the understanding between the people of the United States and
the people of Eritrea. Eritrea’s return to the Intergovernmental Authority on Development
(IGAD) also presents an opportunity to encourage positive and constructive relations between
Eritrea, its neighbors, and regional organizations, and to promote resolution of Horn of Africa
matters with a focus on sustainable regionally led solutions. </p><p>The Embassy’s ability to capitalize on such initiatives to promote democracy and good
government, however, is constrained by the absence of the usual foreign assistance and
constructive policy tools. In 2005, the Government of the State of Eritrea (GSE) ordered USAID,
other bilateral donors, and international NGOs to depart the country. In 2022, the GSE ordered
the Embassy to close the American Center indefinitely, restricting the Embassy’s ability to
engage with the citizens of Eritrea. Further, the U.S. government implemented sanctions
against Eritrean individuals and entities for their involvement in the conflict in northern
Ethiopia, in addition to human rights abuses committed by Eritrean troops. An atrocities
determination also was issued against all parties in the conflict, including Eritrea’s military.
Eritrea’s tier 3 rating for Trafficking in Persons, and designation as a Country of Particular
Concern with regard to religious freedom, further impede use of funds for targeted programs.</p><p>While sanctions remain in place, the embassy will endeavour to open communication lines to
establish commonalities that serve the interests of the people of both countries. To accomplish
these goals, the embassy will share information on American values and interests, seek
opportunities to increase cultural and professional exchange programs between Americans and
Eritreans, listen to Eritrean perspectives on regional and international issues, and promote the
positive inclusion of Eritreans in regional initiatives</p><p>As a priority, the Embassy will continue to encourage Eritrea to become a proactive and
constructive member of the international community, including continued pursuit of improved
relations with neighbouring countries, and within the region. </p><p>Compare it with the 2022 strategy:</p><p>1.<b> Chief of Mission Priorities </b></p><p>Eritrea’s destabilizing military involvement in the conflict in northern Ethiopia that began in
November 2020 destroyed any hope that the 2018 Eritrea-Ethiopia peace agreement would
usher in a new era of stability and development in the Horn of Africa. Eritrean forces
committed widespread and serious human rights abuses in Tigray. In August 2021, the United
States imposed Global Magnitsky sanctions on the head of the Eritrean Defense Forces and in
November, under Executive Order 14046, sanctioned several Eritrean entities and individuals.
Since September 2021, the Embassy has maintained an NSC-endorsed policy of “disciplined
confrontation” with the Eritrean government under which it rigorously challenges government
mis/disinformation, seeks to isolate Eritrea’s toxic regional influence, and limits its engagement
with political-level regime officials. The policy supports the Administration’s goal to defend and
advance American values abroad, including by combatting threats to free societies by limiting
Eritrea’s anti-democratic and destabilizing influence in the Horn of Africa. Our primary strategic
policy goal is to cultivate Eritrea’s next generation and prepare for a post-Isaias era. </p><p>Embassy Asmara’s team consists of 12 USDHs, six EFM/EPAP hires, and 237 LE staff, led since
2010 by a Chargé d’Affaires because the Eritrean government will not accept the credentials of
an American ambassador. In addition to the Chargé, the current USDH staffing pattern includes
a Deputy Chief of Mission, Management Officer, Pol/Econ/Public Affairs Officer, Regional
Security Officer, Security Technical Specialist (currently staffed with a one-year TDYer, will be
vacant again starting in late 2022), Consular Officer, Information Management Officer, entrylevel Information Management Specialist, Office Management Specialist, an EFM RSO Office
Management Assistant (currently vacant), a part-time EFM Community Liaison Officer, an EFM
General Services Assistant, and an EPAP Assistant PAO. In 2022, we expect to add PAO and GSO
positions. This ICS aligns the Embassy’s ends with its modest means, i.e., <b>our mission goals and
objectives are realistic for a small post with a limited budget operating in one of Africa’s most
repressive and impoverished dictatorships, which is also hostile to the United States. </b></p><p>Embassy Asmara’s #1 priority is to protect and assist U.S. citizens. Most of our ACS “customers”
are Eritrean-Americans. We provide routine consular services and emergency assistance during </p><p><a href="https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/ICS_AF_Eritrea_Public.pdf">https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/ICS_AF_Eritrea_Public.pdf</a><br /></p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-75291541386084562252023-12-20T02:31:00.000-08:002023-12-20T02:31:07.117-08:00Shifting Dynamics in Sudan: The Strategic Implications of RSF's Takeover of Wad Medeni<p> </p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><b>Shiftin</b><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">g Dynamics in Sudan: The Strategic Implications of RSF's Takeover
of Wad Medeni<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><b></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEidjVjKxaDnbeFqiiW3TJwUP1iyImV9WAiRru9jYmGZ3N_6e3ZFYJ37nN92d3jG98sS6Hlio6N0nsdU7BJ8IljXxlLW5ccB14sBJ96KIumxlbNT64zQ8MLyL8XmrwUOWFgBTGmTaqSHfhNg1Xdx3MvnQtRfuaU2kLiwLSd0XrEbDO3-jzF-2BeL3vmuYPY/s962/Wad%20Medeni%20New.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="742" data-original-width="962" height="247" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEidjVjKxaDnbeFqiiW3TJwUP1iyImV9WAiRru9jYmGZ3N_6e3ZFYJ37nN92d3jG98sS6Hlio6N0nsdU7BJ8IljXxlLW5ccB14sBJ96KIumxlbNT64zQ8MLyL8XmrwUOWFgBTGmTaqSHfhNg1Xdx3MvnQtRfuaU2kLiwLSd0XrEbDO3-jzF-2BeL3vmuYPY/w418-h247/Wad%20Medeni%20New.png" width="418" /></a></b></div><b><br /><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><br /></span></b><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The situation in Sudan is becoming
increasingly complex with the recent advances of the Rapid Support Forces
(RSF). Their capture of Wad Medeni, the capital of Gezira State, marks a
significant strategic gain. Gezira, a key agricultural region and a symbolic
heartland for the northern and central elites, is now under RSF control. This
move not only provides the RSF with critical access points to other states but
also represents a psychological blow to the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF),
historically plagued by poor equipment and limited combat experience.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The rapid fall of Wad Medeni has led
to internal questioning within the SAF's supporters, especially regarding the
leadership of Al Burhan. This event is likely to exacerbate existing tensions
between Islamist factions and other groups within the army. Furthermore, the
RSF's control over this region could alter the regional dynamics, particularly
in terms of regional support for both SAF and RSF. The proximity of RSF to
the Ethiopian border is notable, as Ethiopia's alliance with the UAE could facilitate
logistical support for the RSF. Similarly, Eritrea, bordering eastern Sudan,
might perceive a threat from RSF dominance in the area and consequently enhance
its support for the SAF. Egypt, distracted by election issues, and Gaza conflict might now
redirect attention and support towards the SAF.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The geopolitical landscape is
further complicated by Iran's interests in Sudan, considering its conflict with
the US and the strategic position of its allies in Yemen. Saudi Arabia, in its
rivalry with the UAE, might also choose to back the SAF. However, the outcome
of this conflict remains uncertain, as history has shown that initial defeats
in battle do not necessarily predict the final result of a war. The RSF
currently seems to have the upper hand, but significant support from Egypt,
Eritrea, and Iran to the SAF could shift the balance.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">Ultimately, the prolongation of this
conflict is likely to exacerbate the suffering of the Sudanese people, many of
whom have already faced multiple displacements in recent months. The situation
remains fluid, and the impacts of these developments on both the regional and
international stages are yet to be fully understood.<o:p></o:p></span></p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-46333721155389608612023-12-13T01:14:00.000-08:002023-12-13T01:19:43.739-08:00Testimonials of a Sudanese Intelligence Officer on the Proxy war between Sudan and Ethiopia from 1970s to early 1990s<p> </p><p><br /></p><p></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><b>Recent
testimonials of a Sudanese Intelligence Officer on the Proxy war between Sudan
and Ethiopia from 1970s to early 1990s<o:p></o:p></b></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhjUwkRsFoZ23SOvdHXGE1ksWf6K_SxfCsfF7DZRLmsV5UsOeW7HlVqKCcIz2IL8XjDM63xsYqhBhFYTeuLAXTnA-_OWbjQFM3ZLFBywjfQNAzAw5Tebgrh-BSwnHUSD73RfYOS8EFVGdvKCO9f54M4-SlulXWfpEjJN5r3pw39wU2KinoHpgN8se7l2rE/s1280/Irwa%20Meles.PNG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="591" data-original-width="1280" height="148" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhjUwkRsFoZ23SOvdHXGE1ksWf6K_SxfCsfF7DZRLmsV5UsOeW7HlVqKCcIz2IL8XjDM63xsYqhBhFYTeuLAXTnA-_OWbjQFM3ZLFBywjfQNAzAw5Tebgrh-BSwnHUSD73RfYOS8EFVGdvKCO9f54M4-SlulXWfpEjJN5r3pw39wU2KinoHpgN8se7l2rE/s320/Irwa%20Meles.PNG" width="320" /></a></div>Irwa to the right of Meles: Mekelle 1991<br /><b><br /></b><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">In six episodes of <a href="https://www.youtube.com/@elfatiherwa">YouTube videos</a> Al Fateh Irwa, has
documented his testimonials on his role in the Horn of Africa. He is a seasoned
intelligence professional from Sudan, who claims to have played a pivotal role
in shaping the geopolitical landscape of the Horn of Africa, particularly
Ethiopia, during the late 1980s and early 1990s. His career spanned various
regimes in Sudan, starting with President Numeri’s rule (1969-1985) and
extending into President Omer Al Bashir's era (1989-2005). Initially part of
the Sudanese army, Irwa transitioned to the Foreign Intelligence Department of
the Sudan National Security Agency in 1976. His focus was primarily on Ethiopia,
but his expertise also took him to Moscow for a year (1977-1978), where he
engaged in intelligence operations, including recruiting Ethiopian officers.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Irwa's tenure included a significant diplomatic assignment
as a security officer at the Sudanese Embassy in Addis Ababa from 1980 to 1984.
Following the dissolution of Sudan's National Security after Numeri’s overthrow
in 1985 and a brief imprisonment, he worked in Saudi Arabia, advising on Horn
of Africa affairs and advocating for support of the Eritrean People's
Liberation Front (EPLF) and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). He
says the TPLF had an office in Saudi Arabia but he helped promote their
presence there. , Irwa advised Saudi Arabia against supporting ELF factions,
asserting their nationalist and Arabist stance would not lead to Eritrea's
liberation. He argued that their efforts would be futile, even over a span of
600 years.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Recalled by Al Bashir in 1989, Irwa resumed his intelligence
role, later ascending to state minister in the president's office and special
advisor on intelligence. Despite challenges, including conflicts with Islamist
leaders over their support for Eritrean and Ethiopian Islamist groups, he
maintained influential connections, facilitating discussions between leaders
like Isaias, Meles, and Islamist ideologue Hassen Al Turabi.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Irwa's strategic vision for the Horn of Africa, particularly
Ethiopia, culminated in a policy formulated in 1990 that aimed at regime change
and the establishment of a decentralized Ethiopian state. Their aim was to
weaken Ethiopia contrary to the Egyptians who wanted Ethiopia’s disintegration.
His illustrious career also saw him serve as State Minister at the Ministry of
Defence in 1995 and as Sudan's delegate to the United Nations from 1996 to
2005, navigating complex international dynamics including sanctions and legal
challenges.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>Connections to Eritrean and Ethiopian oppositions
organizations<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Al Fateh Irwa recounts his early <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>interactions with Eritrean and Ethiopian
opposition organizations. He described <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), as a
leftist group with connections to the Soviet Union, comprising nationalist and
Arab-oriented factions like those led by Osman Sabbe. According to Irwa, while
most Arab countries favoured the ELF, the Eritrean People's Liberation Front
(EPLF) aligned more with Chinese leftist ideologies, finding limited Arab world
support, primarily in Kuwait. As a personal note,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>when the ELF observed that Khalifa Kerar of
Sudan's General Security Agency, favoured and promoted <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the EPLF, the ELF leadership <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>tried to gain Kerar's favour with ordinary unexpensive gifts,
he pointedly showed them a new Land Cruiser, indicating it was a gift from the
EPLF, highlighting the competitive dynamics between these groups.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Irwa's connections extended to Ethiopia, until 1984 when he
was declared persona non grata in retaliation for Sudan's expulsion of an
Ethiopian security officer. During his period in Ethiopia he recruited numerous
Ethiopian military officers and developed strong ties with Ethiopian armed
opposition, especially the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF). Convinced
of Ethiopia's threat to Sudan, particularly due to its support for the Sudan
People's Liberation Movement (SPLM), Irwa advocated for weakening Ethiopia to
induce regime change favourable to Sudan. He sought a decentralized Ethiopia
with autonomous nationalities, countering Amhara dominance, rather than
Ethiopia's disintegration. He believed the TPLF and EPLF were key to achieving
this regime change in Ethiopia.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>On Isaias Afwerki<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Al Fateh Irwa's depiction of Isaias Afwerki paints a picture
of a fearsome and uncompromising leader. According to Irwa, Afwerki's
reputation as a brutal dictator was well-known, and he commanded fear even
among his closest associates, unhesitatingly quashing any opposition to his
ambitions.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Irwa recounts a visit to EPLF-controlled areas in 1990,
where he experienced Afwerki's intimidating presence first-hand. During a dinner
at an underground guest house in Amberbeb, a disagreement between Ali Seid
Abdella and Mohamed Ali Omaro was abruptly silenced by Afwerki's stern command,
‘Shut Up’ demonstrating his authoritative control over his colleagues. Irwa
notes that even in the presence of a guest, Afwerki's scolding was fierce,
leaving no room for apology.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The narrative continues with the 'Peace and Democracy
conference' in Addis Ababa in July 1991. Irwa recalls a conversation with
Afwerki at the State Guest house, where Afwerki, in a reflective and
intoxicated state, lamented inheriting a barren Eritrea in contrast to the
TPLF's lush and green Ethiopia. Afwerki expressed regret for not heeding Paul
Hentz's early advice to aim for control over all of Ethiopia rather than just
Eritrea, revealing his broader ambitions.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Irwa also shares an incident where Afwerki publicly
humiliated Haile Menkerios, a Harvard-educated colleague, during a meeting,
dismissing the value of his education compared to the 'real Harvard' of field
experience. Afwerki's complex relationship with the TPLF, as described by Irwa,
was marked by a sense of paternalism and rivalry, contributing to his eventual
decision to go to war with them. His animosity towards the Amhara was also
notable during this period.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Irwa recalls the events surrounding Eritrea's independence
in 1993, highlighting Afwerki's refusal to allow Prince Turki Al Faisal of
Saudi Arabia to attend the celebrations, despite Sudanese presidential
intervention. Afwerki's dismissive stance towards international diplomacy,
preferring to engage with 'masters' in the USA or Israel rather than
intermediaries, further underscores his assertive and often confrontational
approach to foreign relations.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>On Meles Zenawi<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Al Fateh Irwa offers a highly favourable assessment of Meles
Zenawi, depicting him as an exceptional leader. He praises Meles for his
intelligence, strategic thinking, and dedication to his cause, describing him
as far-sighted, humble, and friendly. Irwa notes the strong relationship that
developed between Meles, Sudanese President Al Bashir, and himself,
highlighting their close friendship. He recalls participating in preliminary
meetings in Mekelle with both Isaias and Meles, planning the 'Peace and Democracy'
Conference that was later held in Addis Ababa, which he also attended.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="xp2" style="background: white; margin: 0cm;"><b><span style="color: #242424; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">On The Sudanese role in arming and
advising the EPLF and TPLF<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Regarding the Sudanese role in supporting the Eritrean and
Tigrayan liberation movements, Irwa shares his initial involvement with the
Ethiopian Democratic Union (EDU) led by Ras Mengesha. However, he quickly
shifted his support to the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), seeing it
as the most viable force against Mengistu's regime. He asserts that Sudan
sourced weapons from China to arm both the EPLF and TPLF and provided military
advice for their offensives.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">As the geopolitical landscape shifted with the Soviet
Union's support moving from Somalia to Ethiopia, Irwa describes Ethiopia
becoming a significant threat to Sudan, which was allied with the West. This
situation was compounded by interventions from southern Yemen and Libya, which
supplied arms to Ethiopia and the SPLM, destabilizing the region further. He
details a covert operation in 1984 where Sudanese intelligence, posing as
opponents of the Numeiri regime, duped Libya into supplying weapons that were then
used by the Sudanese military.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The rivalry between the EPLF and TPLF posed a challenge to
Sudan's objectives, leading to efforts to reconcile the two groups. Irwa
underscores the mutual assistance between these organizations and Sudan in
countering the SPLM, heavily supported by Ethiopia. He recalls the deployment
of two EPLF divisions to Sudan to combat SPLA fighters in Kurmuk and drive them back To Beni Shangul in 1990.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Under the civilian government of the Umma Party led by Al
Sadig Al Mahdi in 1986, Sudan's policy shifted. The Umma Party's historical
ties with Ethiopia and animosity towards Eritreans led to a decline in support
for the liberation movements and increased Ethiopian aid to the SPLM. Irwa
mentions a plan by the Interior Minister, Mubarek Al Fadel, to arrest Isaias
Afwerki and extradite him to Ethiopia, reflecting the changing dynamics during
the civilian government's rule.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Irwa also discusses the TPLF's strategic shift from
advocating Tigray's self-determination to seeking control over the Ethiopian
state. He recalls a critical moment during the TPLF's final offensive on Addis
Ababa, facing a severe shortage of tank ammunition. Persuading President Omer
Al Bashir to supply the TPLF from Sudan's border reserves, despite military
reservations, significantly aided their advance. Omer Al Bashir later convinced
them saying, “ We have all the tanks on the border to fight against the Habesh
and the TPLF are now doing<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>this job for
us.” Sudan's swift recognition of the TPLF regime in Ethiopia following their
victory underlined the depth of their support.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">He recalled that Eritrean forces entered Addis with the
Tigrayan forces and played an important role to secure Addis, he added that the
Eritrean community in Addis was bigger and well organised than its Tigrayan
counterpart. Thus, Eritreans knew Addis very well. He travelled to the London
conference together with Isaias and Meles. He said the aim of the negotiation
with the Derg government was meant to keep the negotiations until there was
nothing to negotiate about. This was later what happened when EPLF took Asmara
and TPLF Addis. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">He came back from the London Conference with Meles in a
charter plane. As Meles was keen to go to Addis quickly to assert his TPLF’s
rule. He piloted a Sudanese Cessna plane with five seats to take Meles, Sium
Mesfin, Fessaha Afwerki, AliMireh Hanfare and an Amhara dignitary to Addis. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When they landed at Addis Ababa airport they
were received by Kinfe Gebremedhin, TPLF’s Security Chief. later took Meles in
a plane to Mekelle and Isaias arrived from Asmara and the three planned the preparations
for ‘Peace and Democracy Conference’. He later took Isaias to Axum where they
visited the main church there and later took Isaias to back to Asmara and came
back to Mekelle to take Meles back to Addis. He attended the deliberations of
the conference in Addis. He also had strategic discussions with Meles and
Isaias.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="xp2" style="background: white; margin: 0cm;"><b><span style="color: #242424; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">On the US relations with the EPLF
and the TPLF<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Al Fateh Irwa recounts that initially, the United States
showed little interest in establishing relations with the Eritrean People's
Liberation Front (EPLF) and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF),
viewing them as leftist organizations. Despite his advisories, the U.S.
continued to support the Ethiopian Democratic Union (EDU), even after he warned
them of EDU's infiltration by Mengistu's regime. This oversight led to a
significant setback for the U.S. when Ethiopian forces exposed and expelled the
EDU.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Irwa notes that the EPLF had earlier begun cultivating ties
with American entities, possibly aided by American and Israeli lobbying
efforts. However, the U.S. only expressed significant interest in the TPLF as
they were advancing towards Asmara and Addis Ababa. Herman Cohen from the U.S.
approached Sudan to facilitate meetings with the leadership of both
organizations. These leaders agreed to meet but insisted the meetings occur in
Khartoum under the observation of Sudanese security, to demonstrate their
transparency and respect for Sudan.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>On The Oromo<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Regarding the Oromo people, Irwa states that the Sudanese
security saw them as the largest but most oppressed ethnic group in Ethiopia,
unable to independently effect regime change due to divisions along religious,
geographical, and cultural lines. Despite this, Sudanese security was keen on
assisting the Oromo in their resistance against the regime. The tensions
between the TPLF and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) were notable, especially
after the TPLF formed the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front
(EPRDF), which included the Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO),
created from Derg soldiers captured by the TPLF. Although the OLF historically
had more Oromo support, the OPDO proved more effective, leading Sudan to work
towards reconciling these groups to contribute to the downfall of Mengistu's
regime.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>Relations of TPLF and the Islamist regime after 1991<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">According to Irwa the relations between Meles and Al Bashir
were excellent. They consulted on important regional issues and the TPLF opened
their depots of weapons to the regime in Sudan to help them fight the SPLM. The
Sudan also brought army boots and uniform from Sudan sometime for money but
most of the time free. He also recalls an incident in 1992 where a unit of the
TPLF stationed in Gambella and led by Tadesse Werede, current leader of the
Tigray defence Forces, helped them to control an important SPLM outpost inside
South Sudan.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>Sudan’s <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Islamic
regime links to the apartheid regime of South Africa<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">In one of the episodes Irwa narrated that Sudan under Numeri
had relations to the security services in Apartheid South Africa, where both
exchanged information. This relationship extended to close relations as South
African regime helped Sudan to repair and maintain its aircraft, after the
relationship deteriorated with the US. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Irwa was the link where he travelled to South
Africa from time to time and even met the president, de Klerk in one of those
meetings.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p><br /><p></p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-14578480457531450612023-12-01T01:44:00.000-08:002023-12-01T01:44:47.305-08:00The Ona and Besikdira massacres November 30 - December 1, 1970<p><b>This day in 1970: The Ona and
Besikdira massacres
by by Ahmed Raji </b></p><p> 1 December 2015, source
https://www.facebook.com/ahmed.raj</p><p>
</p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p><b>This day in 1970: The Ona and Besikdira massacres</b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">On the morning of November 30, 1970 (which also happened to
be the Muslim holiday of Eid-al-Adha), Ethiopian troops entered the village of
Besikdira, 15km north-east of Keren, rounded up the population and crammed them
into a mosque. The soldiers were on a mission of revenge following the killing
of an Ethiopian army general by Eritrean Liberation fighters the week before,
and had already burned several villages in the area in the preceding days. The
soldiers positioned their machine guns at the entrance to the mosque and on
windows. They opened fire indiscriminately, killing 118 innocent civilians,
including women and children. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">(Despite the Ethiopian officers' attempts to separate the
population by faith, people stuck together. After all, they were family. Hence,
the victims included Muslims as well as Christians). However, Besikdira was
only a prelude to a bigger massacre. On the morning of the following day,
December 1, 1970, soldiers stationed in Keren descended on the nearby village
of Ona and proceeded on a killing spree never seen before in Eritrea. Soon the
the entire village was in flames. Those who were not burned in their huts, were
gunned down as they attempted to flee. An estimated 700 villagers and their
guests (there was a funeral in progress) died. My own memory of that day (I was
in 2nd grade) is one of utter terror hearing the seemingly interminable sound
of machine guns and of the slow-moving shower of soot and little pieces of
charred straw that were scattered by winds over parts of Keren.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">[The picture shows the ruins of the mosque in Besikdira,
which still remains in the same state of ruin as a reminder of that terrible
day. Photo is courtesy of Dr. Kiflemariam Hamde]<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>A Book Review. Paulos Tesfaldet (2013). </b><b><span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">በስግዲረዲንርቍርዲ</span>.
Besikdira and Its Children. <o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Författares Bokmaskin, Stockholm, 102pp. Written by By
Kiflemariam Hamde, Umeå, Sweden <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Besikdira and its children, <span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">በስግዲረዲንርቍርዲ</span> is the latest Blin literary
work, in the fiction genre, mainly based on historical, real events in Eritrea
since 1960s. The book consists of 21 chapters opening up with a Preface and
Acknowledgement. In this review, I find only point out the main story lines.
The narrative is centred around, but not limited to, the massacre in the
village of Besikdira, 15km east of Keren town. After burning seven villages the
previous days, the uninvited Ethiopian army visited Besikdira in November 30,
1970 only to destroy it. The officer (<span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">ሻምበል</span>) Teshome, and his Amharic-speaking
troops, also including Eritrean-born Kumandos, posed two immediate questions to
the people in Tigrigna (only 5 adults could speak it) as the people did not
understand Amharic: (1) if the village is free from bandits (<span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">ሽፍታ</span>, shifta)[i],
in his own words bedbugs and fleas), and (2) if they were either Muslims or
Christians. Mr Mender Beimnet, the village chief, and Mr Tesfu Almedom responded
that they did not know of any bandits and that the people belonged to both
Christianity and Islam. Upon learning that the people did not want to get separated
along religious lines, the troops forced the inhabitants into the village Mosque
and shot them down indiscriminately, killing 118[ii] civilians 11 of whom were
pregnant mothers, 20 were children, and the rest were youngsters and adults[iii].
The author narrates in his fictional work about the details in the killing. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The next day, December 1, 1970 was the turn of Ona village,
only 4-5 Kms north east of Keren, when the military forces headed by Colonel
Welana massacred almost 800 civilians indiscriminately, and without any notice.
There was no question that the people supported the liberation movement since
1962. The story starts off with the general political instability since the
1960s when the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) confronted Ethiopia’s domination
after the latter had annexed Eritrea as its 14th Province, revoking the UN
arranged Federation (1952-1961). As the ELF was active in the Western lowlands,
Ethiopian atrocities increased heavily and the apex of that came in the fall of
1970 when the ELF ambushed and killed General Teshome Ergetu, head of the
Second Military Division in October 1970. He was heading toward his new
headquarters in Keren town to crash the ELF and the people, to ‘dry the sea in
order to catch up the fish’, i.e., to target the civilians in order to weaken
and consequently destroy the ELF. Those massacres are put in this context, and
one man’s life was to be compensated for by around 1000 within less than 24
hours in Besikdira and Ona. Interestingly enough, the author accounts for how
the atrocities became catalyst and intensified struggle for independence.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In his fictional
description, the author exemplifies the events in a life of a nuclear<span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span style="font-family: "Calibri",sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-ligatures: none;">[1]</span><!--[endif]--></span>and
extended family members, the inhabitants of Besikdira, its environs, the Sekwina
district, the Senhit Province, events all over Eritrea, the fate of youngsters in
their yearning for freedom, justice and equality, and finally, the inflicting
cruelty of Ethiopian soldiers. The centre stage actor becomes the family of
Fickak and his wife Afiet, their only son Terexbe[iv] who got married to the
beautiful Melika and begot two sons, Aybu and Abbe. Unfortunately, on the
bloody Monday massacre at Besikdira where the people were forced into a small
mosque only to be shot down, ((<span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">እልላ</span>, <span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">ኣጣቅዕዳ</span>,
p. 57-60) the young wife of Terexbe, and the mother of the two, Malika, fell
dead alongside the other 117 victims in the mosque. Survivors discovered that
it was her bold that they were covered by, and that her younger son suckled her
dry breasts for milk.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">On the one hand, Paulos beautifully crafts the Blin language
to narrate how the family not only suffered physically the painful events of
the period such as imprisonment (when Terexbe was imprisoned, (<span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">ንሽዋ</span> p. 32-37),
continued house burning (48-49), sexual harassment and abuse but also in terms
of psychological inhumation. He also describes in detail some more events, such
as forced displacement (<span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">ገዓዳ</span>, p. 49) etc., On the other hand, Paulos depicts how the
Fickak family enjoyed the good sides of life, often highlighting underlying
cultural values and societal norms, entertaining daily communal routines such
as coffee break, child rearing and development, engagement, initiation rite,
Blin-style brethren hood, story-telling (dannar–jigna, p. 12-13), neighbourly
life (gor-dannar, 14-17), wedding festivities (ferwenter, p. 24-28), youth
love, socialization and friendship (wrznet, p. 12-15), pastoral life,
initiation rite ceremonies (Hiche, shngalle, kxan, p. 18-23), wealth-sharing,
development, dreaming for peace, avoiding hatred or disagreement, war and
conflict.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>family exemplified
the fate of Eritreans at that time. Terexbe was imprisoned (p. 32) because a
certain informant (<span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">ሺኩት</span>)
spied to the Amhara[v] that Terexbe was a member of the village lajnet, with
the responsibility for collecting the monthly dollar per family, qesem, which
every Eritrean adult had to contribute for the liberation movement, i.e., ELF.
Malika was shot dead in the Mosque, and Terexbe’s parents were also dead
because they could not bear the pain. Eventually, once on age, the two brothers
joined ELF and the EPLF, respectively, in order to revenge their mother’s loss
in the Mosque, leaving Terexbe alone in the house (pp 77-80).<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The reader also finds a lot of Blin liberation songs,
praising the independence and rebuking the enemy, such as –“Na Shugutl: Shebab
Axnima genjew DeAritl”, literally, aren’t the youth reside in Deari in such a
tender age” (p. 34). +A recurring worry of the author, however, lies in the
never-ending disagreement between the two ‘siblings’, ELF and EPLF, that
“resulted in unnecessary loss of Eritrean lives and consequently, prolonged the
independence day to 1991” (interspersed in the overall text). Paulos also notes
the series of Ethiopian war crimes and major massacres and since 1961 in
Eritrea, narrating the events not only as they occurred but also rhetorically
in their connection to the dreams of people to live together in good or bad
times, peacefully.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Finally, in 1980, the ELF and EPLF clashed in Halhal, the
worst event which occurred to many Eritrean families who sided with the wrong
side (p. 99-100), and Aybu shot down his own brother Abbe ‘simply assuming that
he was the foe. Aybu was not alone in that incident as many other Eritreans
also shared that fate’, narrates the author. The story culminates in an
eventual meeting of the EPLF fighter Aybu and his father Terexbe after the
latter wanted to meet his son, Abbe. Unfortunately, Aybu was forced to reveal
the truth, and finally exclaimed, “Daddy, I will tell you a taboo, (<span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">ኤበ</span>, <span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">ዲደትድውየከ</span> <span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">ግን</span>), I killed my
own brother even I if rejoiced at first when I thought I won over the enemy in
that civil war” (p. 99). “That is the fruit of disagreement among brothers and
sisters”, laments the author (p. 99-100). <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Disappointed, sad and frustrated, Terexbe returns home and
continued living alone. Terexbe had only one hope, supporting the even much
more independence movement for which he was imprisoned and waiting for the
return of his only remaining family member alive, Aybu – “as did many Eritrean
parents”, notes Paulos.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The concluding chapter (p. 102) is in fact a methodological
note on the writing process. The author advises potential authors to follow
standard referring system, interview the living witnesses of events in Eritrea,
and coming up with a quality research work: “My advice to potential authors is
that we have to write different kinds of literature because there lies our
cultural capital. We praise those who have already written something, and at
the same time we criticize those who did not write anything (yet). Future
generations need to benefit from our literature as their heritage. Thus, I
encourage you all to write about something” … so that one can improve the style
and content in the literature, to sustain existing knowledge and create new
knowledge – for the sake of future generations” (p. 102).<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This unique work in
narrative genre is a welcome contribution to the literature in Blin with its
rich documentation of knowledge of values, norms and daily lives, with substantial
contents as well as presentation. <span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">በስግዲረዲንርቍርዲ</span>[vi], ‘Besikdira and its Children’ fills a badly
needed gap about historical events delving into Eritrean/Blin mentality in
coping with problems and bad situation. I only commend Paulos work as one the
boldest contribution so far on the emerging Blin (and other Eritrean) literature
with its deep narration of events that will live for many generations to come.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As a reader, I
enjoyed reading <span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">በስግዲረዲንርቍርዲ</span>
and I hope that this work will only be the beginning. <span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">ኣጃሀብሪዅይዳን</span>. Well-done a young author!
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I recommend this book to anybody who is
interested to know more closely the situation in Eritrea during (and shortly
after) the war for independence from a local point of view. Those who want to
develop literacy work in the Blin language are also ecommended to read this
book as well as those who want to write and learn in Blin script. A father of
two, Paulos Tesfaldet lives in Oslo, Norway. For any contacts about the book,
mail Paulos at: ptesfldet@gmail.no<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">[i] When the Ethiopians referred to the liberation fronts as
shifta (<span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">ሽፍታ</span>)
as bandits, Eritreans in general (excluding the shikut, jasus, and some of the
wedo-geba) reacted that ‘they did know anything about shifta”, implicitly
protesting that the ELF and later on the EPLF were not bandits but liberation
fighters. Yn shifta aerini, runs in Blin.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">[ii] There were more than 50 survivors, including this
reviewer’s close relatives, who still narrate the sad events vividly. The
victims, however were not only from Besikdira village but also from adjacent
villages who were forced to settle in Besikdira in May 1970, including Sanqa,
Hangol, Feledarb and Fissoruxw, victims from the latter two were passersby. The
author mentions other displaced villages in the former Senhit District (p.
48-56).<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">[iii]There are a couple of historical work on Ethiopian War
Crimes (massacres) in Eritrea, including (1) Abba Teweldebrhan Geberemedhin and
Abba Zerayakob Okbamikael, Capuchin friars (2001): <span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">መሪርግፍዒኣብበስክዲራንከባቢኣን</span> (A Painful
Massacre at Besikdira and its Environs), <span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">ትምጻእመንግስትከ</span> (Adveniat Regnum TUUM), 44th
Year, Nrs 73/74, 2000-2001, page 1-14; (2) Amina Habte (2001), Ethiopian war
Crimes in <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>Eritrea: A Case Study of the Massacres of Besik-dira and
Ona in 1970. BA thesis, </b>Asmara University; Kiflemariam Hamde (2004) <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">“The Impact of war and climatic changes on the environment
in Eritrea: The Case in Senhit Villages” <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">(www.daberi.org); (3) Downey, Marty & Hugh (1996), On
Heart’s Edge. Arvada, CO: Mikeren Publications, and (4) (Habtu (Fr. Athanasius)
Ghebre-Ab (2013), “The <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Massacre at Wekidiba: The Tragic Story of a Village in
Eritrea”, RSP, and (5) “List of massacres committed during the Eritrean War of
Independence”, in Wikipedia.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">[iv] In Besikdira and Its Children,<span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">በስግዲረዲንርቍርዲ</span>, the main actor Terexbe
sharply contrasts with Salih “Gadi” Johar’s actor, Ghebrebbi in his 2010 book,
Of Kings and Bandits. However, if one looks closely both fiction works, they
complement each other, in many, many respects, in spite of the common
geographical location and the suffering incurred to them by the Ethiopian army
(and their collaborators), illustrating social life in the then Senhit area,
rich in diversity of values, norms and languages. Issues of religion come close
in both readings, Gebrebbi being from a Muslim family, while Terexbe is from a
Christian family. These are shown in the rites of passage, child development,
training, and other issues. It seems to me that the authors communicated with
each ‘in spirit’, without clashing, and thus made their point jointly that
people can live together peacefully only if they accept and respect each
other’s difference, the same way as the Besikdira residents refusing to get separated
in terms their religion (to heaven or hell we got together’, expressed the late
Mr. Meibetot Berih, a survivor in an oral communication with the reviewer, Besikdira,
January 9th, 2007.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">[v] Amharu or Amhara in the text is used synonymously with
Ethiopians and Ethiopia, connoting the Ethiopian Military Army.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">[vi] The reviewed work is in fact preceded by a dozen
literary works in Blin, for example, the recent books by Medhanie Habtezghi
(2008), Lexen (lekhen) axramewedi, “The Ring which became a sore”, and (2010)
Enkie, (<span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">እንከኤ</span>)
translated into Tigrigna as lekas. I hope to review these works also so that
readers who do not understand Blin may be able to get more information on such
literary work. For further works in Blin and on Blin, visit the Blin Language
Forum, <a href="http://www.daberi.org">www.daberi.org</a> In a review of a
literary book in Blin that is mainly based on the events of Besikdira, Kiflemariam
Hamde gives the following list of related works (under footnote iii):<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">1) Abba Teweldebrhan Geberemedhin and Abba Zerayakob
Okbamikael, Capuchin friars (2001): <span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">መሪርግፍዒኣብበስክዲራንከባቢኣን</span> (A Painful Massacre at Besikdira and its Environs),
<span style="font-family: Ebrima; mso-bidi-font-family: Ebrima;">ትምጻእመንግስትከ</span>
(Adveniat Regnum TUUM), 44th Year, Nrs 73/74, 2000-2001, page 1-14;<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">(2) Amina Habte (2001), Ethiopian war Crimes in Eritrea: A
Case Study of the Massacres of Besik-dira and Ona in 1970. BA thesis, Asmara
University; Kiflemariam Hamde (2004) “The Impact of war and climatic changes on
the environment in Eritrea: The Case in Senhit Villages” (www_daberi_org);<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">(3) Downey, Marty & Hugh (1996), On Heart’s Edge.
Arvada, CO: Mikeren Publications,<o:p></o:p></p><b></b><p></p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-19491759791456014282023-11-30T01:25:00.000-08:002023-11-30T01:25:12.144-08:00 Haile Menkerios on the PLF leadership crisis and the Menkae Movement 1973<p> </p><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p><b><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%;">The PLF
leadership crisis and the Menkae Movement 1973</span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>Aida Kidane Interview with Haile Menkerios 24.10.2004<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>Question: When did you join the struggle?<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">I went to field early 1973.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>Question: Why did you go?<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">You have to understand there was a lot of idealism, student
movement, and it was not only I but many students. It was a duty which we
happily accepted. We knew that harsh life was expecting us. We decided that we
should be examples to all Eritreans for such a commitment. I was in graduate
school then. We were the first ones going from here. We were about 5 who
started but only I and another friend went to field.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">We went through Yemen to field since we had contact with field.
Aboi Welde Ab was in Cairo in the PLF- Peoples Liberation Forces- office. The
ELF and PLF were in civil war then. Going to Sudan was falling into the hands
of the ELF and the main office of PLF was in Democratic republic of Yemen –
Aden. There was another office in Beirut too, in these 3 countries. In Cairo
office was Taha Mohammed Nur, Osman Sabbe himself in Beirut and fighters in
Yemen who had direct contact with field. And anyone joining field goes through
Yemen in those days.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">So we went to Cairo and then to Yemen. From there we took a
small boat, a fisherman’s dhow across the Red Sea to the Eritrea-Sudan border
to Sahel, and at nighttime. While in the US, we had contact with field through
members as Tsegai Khasai had come, and also Mahmoud Sherifo and Gebre Medhin
Gidey who were in Kassala. We had contact with them from end of 1970 and 71,
and after they went to field we had contact through Aboi Welde Ab and Taha. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">All the fighters split from ELF. Some went to Ala, others in
small groups to the Sudan when killing started. Those PLF1 mostly Red Sea
people, were taken by Sabbe to Aden and then to field. Sherifo had stayed in Kassala,
and we corresponded with him. Then Gebre Medhin went to Cairo. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">When I joined the front, there was no regular military
training. We were joining in small numbers, 2 or 3 in one time. At daytime
those not trained were called out to the riverbanks and we got some military
exercise as we went along and at nights we slept in hills. Then a large group
of about 30 came from inside Eritrea and we had a 2-week training together in a
place called Arag, in Sahel.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">We heard of the civil fighting of Geregir and that the
Sudanese had told the Eritreans to get inside Eritrean border. When we reached
Eritrea, there were fighters waiting for us since supplies and weapons too were
brought with us. They told us of having heard shooting in Geregir when coming
to us that our forces must have moved camp. The civil strife continued when we
were there for 6 months.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">There was registration of newcomers, written in notebooks,
not properly as was later used. One to be fighter is already known of, coming
to Yemen. For those joining from inside Eritrea, the town agents gathered them
in Bahri. The person’s name and background are known then and proceed to Sahel.
The PLF 1 (Shabia) were about 150 man strong and PLF 2 (Selfi) about 120 and
Obel 20-30 men. All sides had their circles, it was not totally integrated
then. We the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>new ones and the 30 other
new ones and some coming in few numbers had made training for 2 weeks,
numbering to about 50. This is a large number of force that reorganisation
(tekhlit) was made, and a new haili (platoon) formed. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Then, I and Mehari Gimatsion from the USSR were told that we
should go abroad and organize students, workers etc organizations and to return
to Europe. I did not want the job after coming determined to fight in the
field. It was better to send a veteran fighter who had many experiences because
we cannot be called fighters in only 6 months’ time. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">While we were at the river side, there had been a long-time
competition between Selomon W Mariam and two leadership members, Tewelde Eyob
and Asmerom Gerezghier. Selomon was an active person who used to make cliques
of his own, he was a city man with connections with civil organizations, not
much a military man.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Tewelde Eyob was the strongest of the three and Asmerom was
not much educated or active, but they were regarded militarily leadership by
the fighters. As the country had feudal society, people depended more on
persons from their region. Selomon was rumoured on being a regionalist and had
sometime spoken the Akele Guzai being more numerous. We were surprised that
such backward thoughts were in field, even Eritrea was seeming little for us
let alone think in region, and we did not know who was from where. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">All soldiers slept in hill tops while the leadership rested
in riverbank guarded making it not easy for the enemy to enter. Water was so
important it had to be well guarded surrounding the area lest the enemy control
the water areas. We were expecting to be sent abroad. We had come to understand
the confrontations of Selomon on one side and Tewelde and Asmerom on the other
side. One day, Selomon came to us and said that from now on he will eat in our group.
The first female fighters Dehab and Werku were already with us.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">As we were distributed radios, Selomon took our radio. I
asked him why he did not use the leadership’s radio than ours because we wanted
to hear news too. He answered no, theirs is the mesafinti (feudal) radio, and I
was shocked that the leadership had such disagreements.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">In the daytime next day, I talked to some officers saying we
are seeing a not strong leadership. We had the criticism and self-criticism
customs. That Selomon openly calls the others feudalistic, how could a weak
leadership continue, meaning the whole front is not strongly led. They told me
I should say to Selomon himself and I answered that the leadership makes us
criticizes for the loss of needles and they should together do their own criticism.
I cannot go to Isaias and tell him Selomon calls him a feudalist.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">This was the start of the whole situation that expanded into
other matters. This called for a meeting of 12 persons, the leadership, and
some cadres. Isaias wondered why the meeting was called. I was then asked what
happened. I repeated what had happened and said I think the fighters see you as
a solid leadership and matters should come into agreements. These fighters had
long time relationships and said it was Selomon who was feudalist and was
regionalist tendencies too. They talked of past experiences what had happened,
and the majority were against Selomon. Isaias then said that he cannot continue
acting like their priest and the issue must be resolved among these people once
and for all. When he said that, the issue became wider. We were there to
reconcile and the some of the accused cadres and leadership now became the
accusers. We said to them that they could not solve the problem as they were
seen accusing each other and it should be examined. Selomon is accused of being
regionalist, and you who should in between be becoming accusers. We were 7
together. I suggested that those who knew them all should hold a large cadre
discussion. This radio incident was the opener of the conflict history.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Then 52 members from all units and veterans gathered. They
told us to run it and we saw there was a deeper division amongst them, Akele
Guzai and Hamasien divisions. As the front’s strongholds were in Ala and
Semanawi Bahri-Hamasien, it was the people from there who joined in most
numbers. Many from Serae and other regions joined ELF because ELF was in those
areas. Joining the front for many was not an ideology question, but proximity
to join. Many who joined were specifically from Karneshim and Tsena Degle areas
because they lived in these areas.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Selomon had his gangs of supports and Tewelde/Asmerom had
their own gang. It was much later we learnt that Asmerom was from Debarua,
Serae. It is common that people connect to their near folks and feudal
traditions are not overcome yet. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The worst situation came from the educated fighters who did
not like the way the leadership run the front, saying the leadership are
backward and are attacking Selomon for regionalism. That the leadership should
be thoroughly changed, and we should be guided by scientific socialism, saying
this was a national democratic revolution, socialist in character to lead to
communism. These fighters were strongly leftist, with many opinions which we
believed in too. They claimed that the leadership is feudal and Isaias was with
these men that it should be changed. Our aims should be changed making it a
socialist revolution.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The leftists sided with Selomon claiming the leadership
wanted to kill him, to get alliance from the Hamasien side were more in number
and stronger, and gain support from his side. And Selomon became their ally. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">In this meeting of the 52 members, the leftists were
attacked saying they are using Solomon’s regionalism to remove him later and
take power because they themselves are regionalists. The leftists wanted to use
the cracks on the leadership. They wanted larger fighters’ meetings and that
the educated should lead etc. This led to the movement known as the ‘<i>Menkae
movement’</i>. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Then Musie Tesfa Mikel from the leftists said these people
use the front as their personal power who ‘pee and make faeces’ as they wished.
Musie was not at loss to use words. They suppress people and charge anyone as
they wish would be it in regionalism or other to kill him. Since we were the
ones who gathered this meeting, we had called fighters who could make changes
from the leadership and Musie and co were one of these. We invited them
specifically too. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">When Musie used these words, there was Tsegai Keshi, a
platoon leader, who was against Selomon, though he was Hamasien too. He was a
very forward and honest but uneducated man and no talker. He got so angry
saying ‘now you say this leadership pees and makes faeces!’ and hit Musie on
the head with his rifle butt. This should not have happened, and we demanded
that Tsegai be imprisoned. I, Mehari Girmatsion and a third man were the
responsible for holding this meeting. As it was according to PLF rules, I
myself imprisoned Tsegai. He did not shoot at his comrade but hit him and
putting a guard on him, he was sentenced to punishment.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">That became the end of meetings and the leftists said did we
not say so that they pee and have faeces on us. And they took over and Musie
used that. Musie was a smart guy. Thinking about it later, there was nothing
bad about it, it was true.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The traditional leadership did not have capacity to lead,
although they started the military wing. Tewelde Eyob was a good military
leader. Isaias was the only politically capable person. Basically many fighters
had come from the rural areas and the conflict situation had come untimely,
otherwise their opinions were not disagreeable. And that they attacked the
leadership. The timing and way they conducted was not right.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">So they went and said that the leadership should go down and
be replaced, we shall have a scientific socialism and we know about it. And the
other side disagreed that Yohannes etc – the leftists- should rule and we
thought it was opportunistic talking only about the leadership.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Their mistake was their arguing on the leadership than
reshape the line, and nobody who knew of it did not oppose changing our ways.
The situation started growing widely and that Musie was hit, as if we too
sanctioned it. What we wanted was taking the right road, recognize the weakness
of the traditional leadership and demanded a congress be made and new
leadership to be elected. We did not have a programme or constitution and we
had the <b>3 united fronts working in their own rules that the congress becomes
our lead.</b><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">But there came confusion in the front and the leadership was
not obeyed and at that time the Ethiopians came on us in Sahel, the 13 day war.
Instead of guerrilla warfare we were forced to fight holding positions. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>Petros Selomon and Sebhat Efrem were with the
leftists-Menka at the beginning and were thus imprisoned, and that is the first
time I saw imprisoning of them, as they had wanted to imprison the leadership.
Now all of a sudden, Selomon recognized that these people at the end would
break his post and take it, and turned against them. </b><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The front had now split into three groups. One was the Menka
who claimed that the leadership was old with no knowledge and should be changed
to scientific socialism etc.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>The second was Selomon’s group whose region Hamasien were
numerous as they were in the ridge to the front, the Semenawi Bahri</b>. When
one joined the front one who knows him join too and the geographical location
attracted it. These big numbers were the supporters of Selomon. These were
against Isaias and the Menka, even though they sided with the Menka at the
beginning. They had claimed Selomon was to be killed, but they did not want to
glorify Selomon. They started saying Selomon is no different from the others in
the leadership and they should be changed. When Selomon realized this he came
to opposition to them and had to come back to the leadership mould again. Now
the leadership and their supporters built a united front.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>Selomon was earlier attacking the Akele Guzai, then
changed and supported the Menkae and again attacked both sides. He was a good
and active organizer of people and started imprisoning fighters.<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>The third group said the leadership was feudalistic but
should be changed systematically. This would widen the split between the
Hamasien and Akele Guzai.</b><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>So, it was an uneasy alliance.</b> There were some from Serae
too, but we did not know them, being too few.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">We started talking to Isaias and others that these two
groups are dangerous. We cannot complain on Selomon and the feudalists as we
are surrounded wholly by it. It is a secondary issue which will get better with
education and time, we cannot oppose all these peasants. There must be an
alliance and this extreme leftism will crush us, so we have to create a solid
organisation. We cannot teach communism with the mostly peasants and we started
organising. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">This is what eventually created the Party inside the front.
Wedi Selomon and others realized where it was leading and changed sides.
Yohannes-Menka was a man of fists, just like Isaias. But Isaias was a good
military leader who maintained the balance and was aware of the social
traditions. He knew where power was to be taken.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">We had united with PLF 1 while the situation was going on
and these were in between and eventually took sides of the third group. And
some of their leadership, particularly Ramadan had a big role. He had balanced
opinions and free from regionalism and religion and far sighted, and Ibrahim
Afa, Ali Said etc were with him. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">There had to be a structure because it was a united front,
and a secret socialist party was created, and it went on getting bigger and
took over. When the Menkae became imprisoned, it can be said that the rest
dispersed. The Menkae did not have a big support and there was much persecution
by Selomon.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Our position was that we opposed Selomon’s group and the
extreme leftism that came and being in between was considered biased and was
dangerous and that’s why we organized and Isaias and Ramadan were key in
organising it. And that became the totally dominant force throughout being the
instrument of control and leadership at the beginning. There were no more
Menkae or Yemin. As time went by, the leadership role got less, and instrument
of control got bigger. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>Petros and Sebhat had been with the Menkae and when
imprisoning started, they changed positions saying the Menkae were trying to
take power not for the better of the revolution</b>. Now that we know them, it
is us who shall charge them and did so. They were instrumental in organising it
and also the secret Party. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>The Menkae were imprisoned for a long time and in 1979
when there was no more support for them, a military committee was formed, the
military tribunal. The party was formed in 1975 and by 1979 it was totally
dominating. The Menkae were charged and killed in secret, and I did not know.
Nobody was told when the killings were done, and they were alive in the
congress of 1976. Some were freed in 1978 as Werku was freed and<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>was brought to us. Maybe they were killed,
and we heard it much later to justify their case, we did not know. That is when
I heard, and it was not officially. Those who knew the whole secret are not
more than 5 or 7.<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Because I was in the Zena (news) group, it was basically the
centre of ideology and materials to read. It was after 1976 that the political
office of the Party was formed. When the girls Abeba, Werku and Maasho were
freed 1976 and brought to us that we shall indoctrinate them. I tried to
explain to them that both sides were incorrect, Selomon being Feudal and the
Menka being extremist. Selomon was at his highest. I told them we cannot erase
feudalism now and we cannot fight it head on, but with education and time. But
this extremism is dangerous for the front and lead to its collapse. Dehab and
Aberash were not freed and imprisoned with the rest because they did not repent
and believed their cause was just. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The leadership were few and the issue was taken at that level
and supposedly trusted by the fighters to do the right thing. The Executive
Committee, the Politburo was formed then and made the decision, I was member of
the Central Committee. Things like that were secret as it was a military front.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">There were two parallel organisations in the front. The
Party was secret and had its political office, i.e the Politburo, and they also
had a Central Committee. And the front had its politburo and Central Committee.
I was member of the latter, the mass organisation, and never in the secret
Party’s committee. They did not trust the educated fearing they would topple
them.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Some of the secret politburo members were Isayas, Ramadan,
Ibrahim Afa, Ali Said Abdella, Haile Durue, Alamin. Mesfin Hagos was there at
one time. This led to absolute authority of the leader.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>Question: In the ‘Destructive Movement of 1973’
supposedly by Isayas, it states that the first female fighters of EPLF were
having problems of upbringings and origins, and that they were spoiled. Was
that the fact you saw?<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">This is just false accusations. They were with my unit <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>from the start until they were imprisoned. We
were not interested on others’ origins and were thinking in international
socialist ways. They were not in leading positions either. They were idealists
like all of us. Once they were convinced their group were right and did not
want to go against their comrades. Werku and Masho in our unit, Dehab and
Aberash in anotherunit.<o:p></o:p></p><br /><p></p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-68327717366254079372023-11-28T02:44:00.000-08:002023-11-30T01:24:36.598-08:00The Afar Dimension on the Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict about the Red Sea Access<p> <b><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The Afar Dimension on the Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict about
the Red Sea Access</span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b><b><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The Afar and
the Afar Triangle</span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The Afar people are an ethnic Hamitic group, pastoralists <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>who speak a Cushitic language. The inhabitants
call themselves Afar and the name ‘Danakil’ is given to them by the Yemeni and
non-Arab speakers. Their language is called ‘Afar Af’ or ‘Tongue of the Afar’
where ‘Af’ means ‘tongue’ or ‘mouth’. They live in the Afar Region of Ethiopia (2.5
million), as well as in the coastal parts of Eritrea (250,000) and Djibouti
(400,000). </span><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The Afar Triangle, also known as the Afar Depression or
Danakil Depression, is a geological depression caused by the Afar Triple
Junction, which is part of the Great Rift Valley in East Africa. This area is
one of the lowest and hottest places on Earth, with some parts lying more than
100 meters below sea level. The lowest point in in the Afar depression and Africa,
Lake Asal, less than 155 meters below sea level, lies in Djibouti.</span><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The region is noted for its extreme heat and aridity, as well
as its unique geological features, including salt flats, hot springs, and active
volcanoes. Despite the challenging environment of the Afar Triangle,
characterized by its extreme heat and aridity, the Afar people have adapted
over centuries to thrive in these conditions. No foreign forces have entered
the Afar territory by force. The region is also known for its rich mineral
deposits and the presence of various unique species adapted to the harsh
environment. </span><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The Afar Triangle is not only significant for its geological
and ecological aspects but also for its importance in the study of human
evolution. The area has been a rich source of hominid fossils, contributing
significantly to the understanding of human ancestry and evolution. </span><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjmzEHTGCXsyanddCF81VqYEJK3S50dB-UG6YDM9vDJwv3l6oU-O0g6bsgYwx1htEzqCo_zcoNuDcktyuEwHKD7IfJ_XaUN-r0BDtBpVLYJXfIzRx1AnQoWXRAnbvD6Jgc-1MFjIT9DWbjI5FEVbSk6YxNiLmWi2U1ftyJNB0g-qg4z-BRsrU9N1C2bp-g/s1870/Afar%20borders.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1870" data-original-width="1386" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjmzEHTGCXsyanddCF81VqYEJK3S50dB-UG6YDM9vDJwv3l6oU-O0g6bsgYwx1htEzqCo_zcoNuDcktyuEwHKD7IfJ_XaUN-r0BDtBpVLYJXfIzRx1AnQoWXRAnbvD6Jgc-1MFjIT9DWbjI5FEVbSk6YxNiLmWi2U1ftyJNB0g-qg4z-BRsrU9N1C2bp-g/s320/Afar%20borders.jpg" width="237" /></a></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">Source: Hashim Al Shami book</p>
<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><br /></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b><b><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">The Afar Interactions with parts of modern Ethiopia</span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The independent Afar Sultanates historically controlled the
coastal area stretching from <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the Dahlak
islands (including Buri peninsula) to Zeila. These sultanates entered into 15
agreements<a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Afar%20dimention.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
with major regional powers, including Italy, France, and England (detailed in
Al Shami’s book with copies of these powers' original languages and in Arabic).
One notable agreement involved the sale of land in Assab on March 11, 1870,
between the Italian shipping company Soreta Rubattino and the leader of the
Ankala Afar tribe. </span><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">This deal, aimed at acquiring a site in Assab for use as a
bunkering station, was signed by Giuseppe Sapeto and A. Buzzolino on behalf of
the company, and by Afar chiefs Hassan Bin Ahmed, Abdella Shehim, and Ibrahim
Bin Ahmed. Historically, the Afar people have formed strong, unified kingdoms
on multiple occasions, characterized by a highly decentralized system. At
times, up to twenty-four tribal chieftains held the power to independently
declare war against their adversaries, particularly the Habesha (Ethiopia),
without needing the sultan’s consent.</span><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">Around the first quarter of AD 1528, Ahmed Ibrahim leader of
the Adal Sultanate<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>defeated King Lebna
Dingl’s army at Shembra Kure. During 1528–1533, army occupied Dire Dawa, Shoa,
Lasta, Bale, Sidama, and Gurage. He moved then to #Tigray and occupied all the
regions up to Kassala (Taka) in AD 1535. Sultan Mohamed Hanfare defeated King
Menelik’s army at Arrado in 1875 and the Egyptian army led by Munzinger in 1875
at Odoummi, where Munzinger lost his life.</span><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">Eritrea and Ethiopia support proxy Afar organisations</span></b><b><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The dynamics between Eritrea and Ethiopia are significantly
influenced by their interactions with Afar groups. During the rivalry between
the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) and the Tigray People's
Liberation Front (TPLF), both countries supported different Afar organizations
to leverage against each other. In Eritrea, the Ethiopian Afar opposition,
supported by Eritrea, advocated for a true Afar state in Ethiopia, free from
TPLF control. Conversely, the Eritrean Red Sea Afar Democratic Organization
(RSADO), operating clandestinely in Eritrea but based and supported by
Ethiopia, campaigns for an autonomous Afar state in Eritrea, with rights to
self-determination and even secession.</span><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The Afar Revolutionary Democratic Unity Front (ARDUF), also
known as Uguguma (meaning revolution), was active in Zones 2 and 4 of Ethiopia's
Afar region. </span>After the Ethio-Eritrean war, the Ugugumo split into two
factions. One faction, led by Mohamouda Ahmed Gaas, chose to align with the
Ethiopian government. The other faction continued its opposition activities and
eventually relocated to Eritrea, where it received support.</p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Ugugumo after Eritrean independence was opposed to both governments
in Addis and Asmara and hence targeted
by coordinated attacks by Ethiopian and
Eritrean forces. This opposition faction of the Ugugumo experienced a shift in
its stance after Abiy Ahmed became the Prime Minister of Ethiopia. Heeding
Abiy's call for all opposition movements to return to Ethiopia, this faction,
along with other groups like the ONLF and OLF who were also based in Eritrea,
moved back to Ethiopia. Upon their return, the Ugugumo ceased their
confrontations with the federal government. During the recent conflict
involving the Tigray forces, the Ugugumo played a central role in the Afar confrontation,
indicating their active and significant presence in the region's political
dynamics.</p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Additionally, the Eritrean Afar National Congress (EANC),
primarily based in the Canadian diaspora, lobbies for an autonomous Afar region
in Eritrea. Ahmed Mohamed, the Chairman of the EANC, is a prominent voice in
this cause. Which sometimes raised the question if it were a one-man or a few
men organization. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed recently argued that most
Afar live in Ethiopia's Afar region and thus should have access to the Red Sea,
a contention with implications for regional geopolitics.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">This situation mirrors that of the Kurds, an ethnic group
native to a mountainous region in Western Asia, Kurdistan, spanning Turkey,
Iran, Iraq (including the autonomous Kurdistan region), and Syria. With an
estimated population of 25 to 35 million, primarily in Turkey, their situation
raises questions about territorial rights and access, similar to the debates
surrounding the Afar people. If we were to follow Abiy’s argument, can we say
all Kurds ought to have access to Turkey, because the majority of them live
there.</span><b><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">First Italian colony in Afar region
of Assab and how Eritrean borders evolved<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">The first Italian colony was founded in the Afar region of
Assab on 5 July 1882, by a royal decree of King Umberto I of Italy. Later,
parts controlled by Italy were incorporated and Eritrea,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>with its current borders was established by
Italy in 1890, expanded in 1936 to include Tigray, which was later reorganized
into six divisions including the Afar region of Denkalia. The British restored
Eritrea's original borders in 1941. Eritrea was federated with Ethiopia by a UN
resolution in 1952. Ethiopia annexed Eritrea as its 14th province in 1962. </span><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjN2o5UgloIbC5k59Ot0nMuwBbDQGTtRbwFyGmfAzgMnETCmd6vVyvwaV2zeCAyn89qSG3tKMITN6ydgjdSM6gNj_1AiI7AesPcRKNX8_7wH4BkVe-QH1uDga4Qkdo8r0xctFgXKcEyhRhG3u9WhDWaR5wwGg3otqn-b23uInc_KgvqPlMZ3x56j98xP30/s605/Map%20Er%201912.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="531" data-original-width="605" height="281" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjN2o5UgloIbC5k59Ot0nMuwBbDQGTtRbwFyGmfAzgMnETCmd6vVyvwaV2zeCAyn89qSG3tKMITN6ydgjdSM6gNj_1AiI7AesPcRKNX8_7wH4BkVe-QH1uDga4Qkdo8r0xctFgXKcEyhRhG3u9WhDWaR5wwGg3otqn-b23uInc_KgvqPlMZ3x56j98xP30/w378-h281/Map%20Er%201912.jpg" width="378" /></a></div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">Map of
Eritrea 1912</span><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">Over time, administrative divisions continued to change, and
in 1987, the Derg regime divided Eritrea into two autonomous zones, with the
southern coast including Assab and parts of the Tigray and Wollo provinces
becoming one zone, accommodating about 60% of the Afar in <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>both Eritrea and Ethiopia. It was only after
the constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia was approved in
1995, all the Afar in Ethiopia were brought under one state, After Eritrea
gained independence in 1991, it reverted to its former borders without physical demarcation
due to friendly relations with TPLF. A border conflict in 1998 escalated into a
war that lasted until 2000, concluding with the Algiers Agreement, which called
for the establishment of a Boundary Commission. Ethiopia accepted the
Commission's ruling reluctantly and did not actively implement it, resulting in
a tense stand-off that persisted until the rise of Abiy to power in 2018.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">It is to be noted that the Afar has actively participated in the Eritrean war of Liberation. Due to their knowledge of the Red Sea and use of boats, they were crucial in bringing military and other supplies to the revolution. Yet some Afar elites remined loyal to Ethiopia.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b>The Djiboutian Dimension*<o:p></o:p></b></p><p class="MsoNormal">Djibouti, situated along the 370-km Red Sea coastline from
Ras Doumeria to the Gulf of Aden, is neighboured by the Indian Ocean to the
east. This nation is home to two primary ethnic groups: the Afar and the
Somali. Historically, in 1892, France shifted its focus from Obock,
predominantly Afar, to the city of Djibouti, fostering a diverse community of
Afar, Somalis, and Arabs. In 1896, France consolidated its territories into
what was known as Côte Française des Somalis et dependences, or French
Somaliland. Later, in 1967, it was renamed the French Territory of the Afar and
the Issas.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal">Administratively, Djibouti is divided into five regions and
a city. The Afar mainly reside in the Tağura, Obock, and Dikhil regions, while
the Somalis are primarily found in Ali Sabieh and the newer Arta region. The
Afar region encompasses about 87% of Djibouti's land area. The capital city,
Djibouti City, is home to roughly two-thirds of the country's population.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal">Djibouti gained its independence in 1977. As of 2023,
according to the CIA World Factbook, the population of Djibouti is around 1
million, with Somalis making up 60%, Afar about 35%, and the remaining 5%
comprising Yemenis and other nationalities. But the Afar dispute this
statistics.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal">In Djibouti and Ethiopia, the Afar and Somali pastoralist
communities have experienced ethnic tensions
due to competition for land and resources. This conflict is further complicated
by their differing perspectives on the history of the Adal State, once led by
Imam Ahmed, also known as Ahmed Gran in Abyssinia. Both groups assert their
historical connection to this state. Conflicts have erupted between the Afar
and Somali regional states in Ethiopia over disputed territories, and these
clashes occasionally extend into Djibouti, affecting the broader region.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal">Zeila, a coastal town in present-day Somaliland, located 37
km southeast of Djibouti, is another focal point of contention. The Afar claim
historical dominance in Zeila. From the time the port became significant in
Islamic history, it was inhabited by a diverse mix of Arab, Somali, and Danakil
(Afar) populations. Over time, these groups gradually merged, creating a unique
Zeila culture and dialect, which is a fusion of Arabic, Somali, and Afar
languages.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal">In subsequent years, Somalis moved further into the area,
with their population bolstered by arrivals from Italian and Ethiopian
territories to the north. By the 19th century, Somalis became the dominant
group in this region. It is noteworthy that Awdal, one of the six regions in
Somaliland and historically a part of the Adal State, has a secessionist
movement. The capital of Awdal is Borama, also known as Awdal, Adal, or Adel.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p><div>
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"> <o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
</div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgd3lbPykp9hCl-I1_2v2JwHWjDw14H4wQcKFI2TE3dce5pfZtED_cWUwkczeYOozFQs3T6tiXiojVSWx1Tbl3bUqLm2vmZo27KRxKAMwGTLjMVm_fGRtVquNh7XwS6_uLYTQ2_wZ8kBD4chnDUyTd0lRryVZ7zfL2WDi2xTP4yj_4q8AyEHEDbmUDjwFw/s600/Map%201936.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="600" data-original-width="442" height="356" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgd3lbPykp9hCl-I1_2v2JwHWjDw14H4wQcKFI2TE3dce5pfZtED_cWUwkczeYOozFQs3T6tiXiojVSWx1Tbl3bUqLm2vmZo27KRxKAMwGTLjMVm_fGRtVquNh7XwS6_uLYTQ2_wZ8kBD4chnDUyTd0lRryVZ7zfL2WDi2xTP4yj_4q8AyEHEDbmUDjwFw/w367-h356/Map%201936.jpg" width="367" /></a></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">Italian map 1936<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> ---------------------------------------------------------</o:p></p>
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEguHZVx5WRmFuJs1N7gUEkjmZmbaeYcgKvKU8SReE9faoR68vSzpDH-MrslchhjSeiTMrZQF7Zxn8mVuT_q4Cih326y41qtLykNF4fv6C7crbcv8OAfhMlh-InndC-fWYu8pIdVBqvBHmIcEdUB9VR6wOP-wKJo22dr_QZDwkQmyrRh76013i8DQtY0974/s1284/Map%20Eth%201987.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1284" data-original-width="1210" height="344" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEguHZVx5WRmFuJs1N7gUEkjmZmbaeYcgKvKU8SReE9faoR68vSzpDH-MrslchhjSeiTMrZQF7Zxn8mVuT_q4Cih326y41qtLykNF4fv6C7crbcv8OAfhMlh-InndC-fWYu8pIdVBqvBHmIcEdUB9VR6wOP-wKJo22dr_QZDwkQmyrRh76013i8DQtY0974/w343-h344/Map%20Eth%201987.jpg" width="343" /></a><br />
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">Map of Ethiopia 1987 during the Mengistu regime<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> ------------------------------------------------------------------------------</o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3" face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, "Segoe UI", Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="background-color: white; border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; color: #0f1419; display: inline; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-overflow: unset; white-space-collapse: preserve;">Before the 1994 constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of </span><span class="r-18u37iz" face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, "Segoe UI", Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="background-color: white; color: #0f1419; flex-direction: row; white-space-collapse: preserve;"><a class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3 r-1loqt21" dir="ltr" href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Ethiopia?src=hashtag_click" role="link" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; color: #1d9bf0; cursor: pointer; display: inline; font-family: inherit; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-align: inherit; text-decoration-line: none; text-overflow: unset; white-space: inherit;">#Ethiopia</a></span><span class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3" face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, "Segoe UI", Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="background-color: white; border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; color: #0f1419; display: inline; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-overflow: unset; white-space-collapse: preserve;">, came into force in August 1995, </span><span class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3" face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, "Segoe UI", Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="background-color: white; border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; color: #0f1419; display: inline; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-overflow: unset; white-space-collapse: preserve;">the Afar were split into four provinces: Tigray, Wollo, Showa and Harar. Though it became a regional state, it was controlled by the deep state of the TPLF until 2018, when Abiy Ahmed came to power, Since then then the TPLF deep state was replaced by Abiy's deep state. It is Abiy's loyalists who control the state.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">Map of Ethiopia 1995<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgwhmjFaGNGiUz6rcfvXeeQF084F2h9nP9X6LBW8riU-ttB9j89TEJkNxWX1QV_ClPQZ1M1v3KxTV1JdX_7xC6AiYBXgnGh6-QqwECaYGNdxPuxxHUNn7Ca3V6TkzRHiBNQJQum8FohB4YUFfhxHoIY8EwFybd22bWAsY805eIE9-ORIrbAf1SABi38vx0/s605/Map%20Eth%201995.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="465" data-original-width="605" height="246" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgwhmjFaGNGiUz6rcfvXeeQF084F2h9nP9X6LBW8riU-ttB9j89TEJkNxWX1QV_ClPQZ1M1v3KxTV1JdX_7xC6AiYBXgnGh6-QqwECaYGNdxPuxxHUNn7Ca3V6TkzRHiBNQJQum8FohB4YUFfhxHoIY8EwFybd22bWAsY805eIE9-ORIrbAf1SABi38vx0/s320/Map%20Eth%201995.jpg" width="320" /></a><br />
<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">Map of Eritrea 1993<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhgBjdgmnGFu7KIoHxcHBRMeK5SDBRuevfRvw6Bsx0KrD-hAa7qunvsZekuUgOVm0TFmVnWfC5icM2Kp6blr2f9d93QN8IjPwZ-BnoiK-FSAnOPvOJwd80gy6BmMhdRlonmN8v0Ci-a4BddF5yEkItPNAxZ4dAdCyEgekl5ENAQpI40DNTo2hz9N-SwfRU/s605/Map%20Er%201993.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="605" data-original-width="605" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhgBjdgmnGFu7KIoHxcHBRMeK5SDBRuevfRvw6Bsx0KrD-hAa7qunvsZekuUgOVm0TFmVnWfC5icM2Kp6blr2f9d93QN8IjPwZ-BnoiK-FSAnOPvOJwd80gy6BmMhdRlonmN8v0Ci-a4BddF5yEkItPNAxZ4dAdCyEgekl5ENAQpI40DNTo2hz9N-SwfRU/w364-h320/Map%20Er%201993.jpg" width="364" /></a></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Eritrea was administratively
organised <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>into six regions in 1996<o:p></o:p></p>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJxTA1kGI4p8tb0y5CxNqqnyrnUBYHzOXTIdPXIYAqWGAYebn-lYGilOqXE3cy35spMr5Bv5bOxRJUbolOrFS_ZDO-S8jhrwAgHpnMMq4752aBLIzmkPafiwxbimFb7SGZt-L6rgQ2LtdrV-W6R_-4iulklumLTE6bXTC5rb4nBSi5zLUtJeu-1VkvspY/s1260/Map%20Er%201996.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="891" data-original-width="1260" height="226" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJxTA1kGI4p8tb0y5CxNqqnyrnUBYHzOXTIdPXIYAqWGAYebn-lYGilOqXE3cy35spMr5Bv5bOxRJUbolOrFS_ZDO-S8jhrwAgHpnMMq4752aBLIzmkPafiwxbimFb7SGZt-L6rgQ2LtdrV-W6R_-4iulklumLTE6bXTC5rb4nBSi5zLUtJeu-1VkvspY/s320/Map%20Er%201996.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjHURmGKWo3bwwwZ9zpBMnlqcacOY2rfWs4EfasoIeMGiErz3w-uB4mEUVXs6iNyacWnIfM2x3PDa2V1EzK8ZQpdzQGwe0BWSm3zDdiFfVlLNv0OXtvGQWTFRj7n9cHH1DdyiQAiwWTJs2Dp8S5YY1aHuiBZC5V7AAShL-2IIzvQO4IqGWfLIiwYvqxDXo/s830/Djibouti%20map.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="830" data-original-width="774" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjHURmGKWo3bwwwZ9zpBMnlqcacOY2rfWs4EfasoIeMGiErz3w-uB4mEUVXs6iNyacWnIfM2x3PDa2V1EzK8ZQpdzQGwe0BWSm3zDdiFfVlLNv0OXtvGQWTFRj7n9cHH1DdyiQAiwWTJs2Dp8S5YY1aHuiBZC5V7AAShL-2IIzvQO4IqGWfLIiwYvqxDXo/s320/Djibouti%20map.png" width="298" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">Map of Djibouti</div><br /><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><br /></div><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="https://d.docs.live.net/2bcec852eba7a6ea/Eritrea%20with%20Bereket%20Pillars%20Proj/Afar%20dimention.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> Hashim
Al Shami, Al Manhal, The Source in the History and Narratives of the Afar
(Danakil). A more than 700 pages <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>book
was published in Egypt in 2018 and is the English translation of the Arabic
edition that appeared in 1997 in Egypt. An earlier Arabic edition (Saudi
Arabia, 1994) and an Amharic translation (2007) exist as well.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><o:p> * </o:p>Yasin Mohammed Yasin, 2010. PhD. Thesis, Regional Dynamics of Inter-ethnic Conflicts in the Horn of Africa: An Analysis of the Afar-Somali Conflict in Ethiopia and Djibouti</p></div></div>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-15198699377854809932023-11-21T21:26:00.000-08:002023-11-21T21:27:55.546-08:00كل رجال الرئيس: الحاشية المقربة من أسياس أفورقي<p style="text-align: right;"> </p><p style="text-align: right;"></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: justify; unicode-bidi: embed;"><a name="_Hlk151475042"></a><b><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="font-size: 18pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">كل رجال الرئيس</span></b><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><b><span dir="LTR" face=""Arial",sans-serif" style="font-size: 18pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>: </span></b><b><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="font-size: 18pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">الحاشية المقربة
من أسياس أفورقي</span></b><b><span dir="LTR" face=""Arial",sans-serif" style="font-size: 18pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span dir="RTL" face=""Arial",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b><b style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">"لقد
اظهر</span></b><span dir="LTR" style="text-align: justify;"></span><span dir="LTR" style="text-align: justify;"></span><b style="text-align: justify;"><span dir="LTR" face=""Arial",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span></b><b style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">إسياس أفورقي قدرة على صد التهديدات، سواء
الداخلية أو الخارجية. فيما يلي ملامح من دائرته الداخلية "</span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR">NOVEMBER 9,
2023<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><a href="https://africanarguments.org/2023/11/all-the-presidents-men-isaias-afwerkis-close-circle/"><span dir="LTR">All The President’s Men: Isaias Afwerki's close circle | African
Arguments</span></a><b><span dir="LTR" face=""Segoe UI",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span face=""Segoe UI",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="font-size: 10pt;">بقلم محمد خير عمر</span></b><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"> </span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiTEoG-f0jN86c3EnpFK3geOt0BHG8JLGL5sbggjx2ZTbNK4yB-4Udgz56UvGOeEK4ZmTr148dVTjhbXbfI9V3c4-j6k73Zggy6Fq55BnJ5Mx2iokglYEklT5LoXM_Dof6maFrL7VERWCgbsVymSAm6HigRcSePKodOQhbwU3KQCkZP5F8JyTN-xx6Pe44/s488/Isaias.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="372" data-original-width="488" height="244" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiTEoG-f0jN86c3EnpFK3geOt0BHG8JLGL5sbggjx2ZTbNK4yB-4Udgz56UvGOeEK4ZmTr148dVTjhbXbfI9V3c4-j6k73Zggy6Fq55BnJ5Mx2iokglYEklT5LoXM_Dof6maFrL7VERWCgbsVymSAm6HigRcSePKodOQhbwU3KQCkZP5F8JyTN-xx6Pe44/s320/Isaias.png" width="320" /></a></div><br /><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;">إسياس
أفورقي، وُلد عام 1946 في أسمرة، ويُعد أطول الحكام بقاءً في منطقة القرن الأفريقي
والبحر الأحمر. اشتهر بمناوراته الاستراتيجية لحماية مصالحه الخاصة، وإعادة ترتيب
التحالفات محلياً وإقليمياً بانتظام. لم يقبل إسياس بالمركز الثاني قط، وطموحاته
لا حدود لها. انشق عن جبهة التحرير الإريترية ليُنشئ تنظيمه الخاصة، وفي نهاية
المطاف استطاع توطيد قوته كزعيم وحيد للجبهة الشعبية لتحرير إريتريا ولاحقاً
لإريتريا بعد الاستقلال، مُزيلًا التهديدات في طريقه. واجهت قيادته تحديات، لا
سيما في عام 1973 عندما طالب زملاء سابقون وأقران دراسة باتخاذ قرارات</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;">ديمقراطية
وإساء قوعد المساءلة. تم التعامل مع هؤلاء المعارضين، المعروفين بـ 'منكع</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>’</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> أو
الخفافيش، بقسوة، مما أدى إلى إنشاء جهاز امن قمعي معروف بالتقرينية 'حلوة ثورا'
اي حرس الثورة. والحزب السري الذي تشكل في عام 1971، عزز من سيطرته على السلطة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;">في
عام 2001، ظهرله تحدٍ آخر حيث طالب قادة حزبيون كبار بالمساءلة والإصلاحات
الديمقراطية. قام إسياس باعتقالهم، ومصيرهم مجهول حتى الان. كما حافظ إسياس على
السلطة من خلال افساد كبار المسؤولين، ليضمن ولاءهم. يعمل دون هيكل قيادة واضح،
تاركًا القادة الأعلى عرضة للتحدي من قبل المرؤوسين، وكثيراً ما يقوم بإهانة حتى
مؤيديه لاختبار ولائهم</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;">خارجيًا،
يقوم إسياس بتغيير التحالفات من حين لأخر</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> كان
متحالف مع القذافي؛ ثم مع قطر</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;">ودعم إيران، ولاحقًا السعودية والإمارات في جهود
التحالف في اليمن. والان متحالف مع السعودية. كان في البداية حليفًا للجبهة
الشعبية لتحرير تيقراي التي كانت تسيطر على الجبهة الديمقراطية الثورية الإثيوبية
قبل أن يصبح عدوهم خلال حرب تيقراي، متحالفًا مع آبي أحمد وداعمًا لميليشيات الأمهرة.
على مدار هذه التحولات جميعها، بقي القليلون فقط ممن يثق بهم</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>,</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> حول
له، مع استعداد إسياس لاستبدال حتى الموالين له في أي وقت. يقوم الرئيس أفورقي
بتغيير قادة المناطق العسكرية الخمسة بانتظام، على ما يبدو لتشجيع التناقض بينهم،
ومنعهم من بناء علاقة وثيقة جدًا مع الوحدات تحت قيادتهم. المناصب الرسمية غير ذات
أهمية حيث قد يكون للمرؤوسين، حتى بدون ألقاب، السلطة الفعلية. المسؤولون عن الأمن
والشؤون العسكرية، والمالية والسياسة يشكلون نواة داخلية له</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;">العقيد</span></b><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"> </span><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;">تسفا
لدت هابتسيلاسي </span></b><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;">–
رئيس الأمن الشخصي لإسياس</span></b><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><b><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>) </span></b><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">لم نجد له صورة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><b><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>(<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"><o:p> </o:p></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; padding: 0cm;">إنه قائد الحرس الرئاسي ورئيس أمن</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; padding: 0cm;">إسياس
، وهو في الواقع الشخصية الأكثر أهمية في حماية إسياس. هو واحد من القلائل الذين
يثق بهم إسياس وظل معه لفترة طويلة، حيث عمل كمشغل جهاز استقبال وإرسال الرسائل
المشفرة الخاص به اثناء فترة الكفاح المسلح منذ الثمانينيات.</span><span face="Arial, sans-serif" lang="AR-SA"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; padding: 0cm;">حتى الجنرالات يستشيرونه لمعرفة رأي إسياس في أي
مسألة. كمسؤول مكتب الرئيس، يتحكم فيمن يتصل بالرئيس إسياس أفورقي وهو مسؤول عن
توصيل تعليمات الرئيس إلى المسؤولين الحكوميين والحزبيين، بما في ذلك الجهات
الأمنية. يقوم أحيانًا بمهام خاصة في الخارج نيابةً عن الرئيس. يُعتقد أنه يعرف
أماكن احتجاز السجناء السياسيين ذوي الشأن، وهو يشرف على</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; padding: 0cm;">عمليات
تنقل المسجونين السياسيين من مكان لأخر. يسافر بشكل متكرر إلى الصين وأوروبا
الشرقية من دبي.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR" style="text-align: right;"></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"><o:p> </o:p></span><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">حقوص قبرهيوت ولدى كيدان والمعروف بحفوص كيشا</span></b><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><b><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>,</span></b><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> المسؤول</span></b><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><b><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span></b><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;">عن</span></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt;"> <b>الاقتصاد</b></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEikf9qSUD1dpVFIf0x3hXesw_811_ZR4gb2NQI0bYElLYH2lpMI8qxfn4lEEyFWqYGp7MWBPrAukiPxHGGmjsZKQ12m_V0q-m6b38f3A2XHwMN4vbNh377cDZDMoq6CL9s8gk-Ye_-IC9NaAcPAC_M1Jjwb9NEgInVus3o5rztYv-DVhUOVQbcvZ3lLQwY" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="220" data-original-width="169" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEikf9qSUD1dpVFIf0x3hXesw_811_ZR4gb2NQI0bYElLYH2lpMI8qxfn4lEEyFWqYGp7MWBPrAukiPxHGGmjsZKQ12m_V0q-m6b38f3A2XHwMN4vbNh377cDZDMoq6CL9s8gk-Ye_-IC9NaAcPAC_M1Jjwb9NEgInVus3o5rztYv-DVhUOVQbcvZ3lLQwY" width="184" /></a></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">ولد حقوص قبرهيوت في عام
1953،<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>ويشغل رسميًا منصب المستشار
الاقتصادي للرئيس وللجبهة الشعبية لتحرير إريتريا وهو الرئيس التنفيذي لشركة تجارة
البحرالأحمرالسئية السمعة لمعاملاتها الغير قانونية. هو واحدًا من القلائل الذين يثق
بهم إسياس. تم فرض عقوبات على حقوص قبرهيوت في نوفمبر 2021 من قبل الولايات
المتحدة لتقديمه المساعدة المادية، أو الرعاية، أو الدعم المالي، أو المادي، أو
التكنولوجي، أو البضائع، أو الخدمات لصالح الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير إريتريا. وهي من
كبريات الشركات الارترية وتعمل في مختلف القطاعات الاقتصادية كالتصدير والاستيراد
والتعدين واعمال الطرق والتشييد والزارعة والتامين والتهريب كما تم تصنيف شركة
تجارة البحر الأحمر من قبل الولايات المتحدة لكونها مملوكة أو تحت سيطرة قبرهيوت.
وكان رأسمالها يقدر ب 500 مليون دولار في بداية التسعينات ويعتقد انها لا تدفع الضرائب
للدولة ولا يعرف حساباتها غير إسياس وقبرهيوت.</span><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">بدأ حقوص</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">مسيرته المهنية في مجال المالية للجبهة الشعبية
لتحرير إريتريا (المعروفة الآن بالجبهة الشعبية للديمقراطية والعدالة ) في
السبعينيات، حيث كان أمين صندوق لجناح طلابي في امريكا داعم للجبهة الشعبية وكان
يعرف ب الإرتريين للحرية قسم شمال امريكا</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">,</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">وكان يقدم الدعم المالي والسياسي لمجموعة إسياس عندما انفصلت عن جبهة
التحرير الإريترية<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>في عام 1970. لاحقًا،
أصبح مسؤولاً عن المالية للمنظمات الجماهيرية الداعمة للجبهة الشعبية لتحرير
إريتريا. وأصبح ممثل للجبهة الشعبية في الولايات المتحدة في الثمانينات بالرغم ان
بيانات التنظيم كانت تصدر</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">باسم د</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>
تسفاي قرماظيون والذي كان رسميَا نائبه.</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">نادرًا ما يظهر في وسائل الإعلام ويدير جميع
الموارد المالية الرسمية والسرية للجبهة الشعبية لتحرير إريتريا. هو واحد من القلة
جدًا، بجانب إسياس، الذين يعرفون حجم الموارد والمنصرفات المالية للدولة. ان
العمليات السرية التي يديرها وتلاعبه بالاقتصاد غير الرسمي، واستخدام الشركاء
الدوليين لتسهيل تدفقات الإيرادات خارج القنوات الرسمية، مكنت إريتريا من الصمود
في وجه العقوبات الأممية التي استمرت عقدًا من الزمان.</span><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">في هذا السياق، اعتمدوا
باستمرار على "شركاء في الجريمة" موثوقين. ظهر مرة واحدة في وسائل
الإعلام وهو يوقع اتفاقية مع شركة صينية، وتم الإشارة إليه كرئيس للشركة الوطنية
الإريترية للتعدين . يحتفظ بأموال الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير إريتريا والدولة بسرية عالية،
وعندما أراد القادة في الحزب والدولة في عام 2001 معرفة الأمور المالية، من بين
مطالب أخرى، تم اعتقالهم في الثامن عشر من سبتمبر، ولا أحد يعرف مكانهم منذ ذلك
الحين. ولم يتم نشر ميزانية الحكومة علنًا منذ الاستقلال</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">يمانى قبرأب المنظر الأيديولوجي
للنظام</span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"></span></span></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgF1k1UJP8uRfpbDEat5BdNC2x7u72k1XURfuox9tRiDjkrzwnUHhpXsxZxT4HHyuTqTNl-F-Ver0xz9QgnfwzTefDATGWHBWQYvgHs3ezLpgCHDRByfb13MGSF8IQvSmfqrQpjwDc34z9ouNsbtDpGh02V35RbBUN856W7iamg6lpYyNxF7CQgLYr6rao/s478/Yemane%20Gebreab.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="456" data-original-width="478" height="251" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgF1k1UJP8uRfpbDEat5BdNC2x7u72k1XURfuox9tRiDjkrzwnUHhpXsxZxT4HHyuTqTNl-F-Ver0xz9QgnfwzTefDATGWHBWQYvgHs3ezLpgCHDRByfb13MGSF8IQvSmfqrQpjwDc34z9ouNsbtDpGh02V35RbBUN856W7iamg6lpYyNxF7CQgLYr6rao/w277-h251/Yemane%20Gebreab.png" width="277" /></a></b></div><b><br /> </b><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%;">ولد يماني قبرأب في عام 1954،
هو المنظر السياسي لحزب</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%;">الجبهة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%;">الشعبية وعراب لشباب الحزب، ويشرف على أنشطتهم
ويحضر بعض مؤتمراتهم السنوية ويُقدم محاضرات لهم. تهدف الجبهة الشعبية من خلال الاهتمام
بالشباب إلى تجنيد قادة المستقبل للجبهة واستمرار إرثها.</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%;">وهو قليل الظهور، وبالتالي لا يرى فيه إسياس
تهديدًا، ويُعتقد أنه وراء البيانات الرسمية والبيانات الصحفية للنظام. يحمل اللقب
الرسمي كمستشار للرئيس ورئيس الشؤون السياسية للحزب.</span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>يرافق بانتظام وزير الخارجية، صمان صالح، في
رحلاته الخارجية حاملًا رسائل الرئيس إلى رؤساء الدول الأخرى. بالتعاون مع وزير
الخارجية، هما المسؤولان الوحيدان الظاهران للحكومة الإريترية. يُعتقد أنهما
يسافران معًا للمراقبة على بعضهما البعض. على الرغم من وجود وزير إعلام رسمي ينشر
تغريدة إلى ثلاث تغريدات يوميًا، إلا أن يماني هو من يُجري مقابلات مع وسائل
الإعلام الأجنبية ممثلاً للنظام الإريتري. نجا في دوره الخفي منذ الاستقلال. كما
يسافر بمفرده لعقد صفقات سياسية مع مجموعات المعارضة في المنطقة.</span><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;">أبرها</span></b><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><b><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span></b><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;">كاسا
نماريام – مدير جهاز الأمن الوطني الإريتري</span></b><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><b><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span></b><b><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-j-TMFPtkVTBxIMoBTKgibqecfz0yOGzjnqsoq78-APSQ26By4WEi_xs-6BaUNOwbAimnoMBv_agVbamU0e6C4HHxoCSsiLt059jYC7U2Wjm7o1mKqQR_zOaayZbixexl4I2nKr6Ssq_1-D1n-bpaZOAm_x1X289C4OUAbSdVbytyYT4YB_5WVJ0wh_4/s286/Abraha%20Kassa%20correct.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="284" data-original-width="286" height="284" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-j-TMFPtkVTBxIMoBTKgibqecfz0yOGzjnqsoq78-APSQ26By4WEi_xs-6BaUNOwbAimnoMBv_agVbamU0e6C4HHxoCSsiLt059jYC7U2Wjm7o1mKqQR_zOaayZbixexl4I2nKr6Ssq_1-D1n-bpaZOAm_x1X289C4OUAbSdVbytyYT4YB_5WVJ0wh_4/s1600/Abraha%20Kassa%20correct.png" width="286" /></a></div><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;">أبرها</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;">كاسا<b> </b>من
مواليد 1953 وعمل رئيساً لأمن الحزب السري في الميدان الذي كان له دور فعال في
تعزيز سلطة أسياس خلال حرب التحرير. وبعد الاستقلال، تم تهميش رئيس الأمن
للجبهة الشعبية لتحرير إريتريا</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>,</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> يطروس سلمون، وتولى </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;">أبرها</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;">منصب رئيس الأمن بجهاز الأمن الوطني الإريتري
ويتولى هذا المنصب منذ ذلك الحين. وعادة ما يتجنب الأضواء، لكنه شارك في عام
2014 في ندوة حول تهريب البشر حيث ألقى باللوم على الولايات المتحدة لوقوفها وراء
الهجرة الجماعية للإرتريين من إرتريا</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>. </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;">فرض الاتحاد الأوروبي عقوبات على جهاز الأمن
الإرتري في مارس 2021 بسبب انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان في البلاد. كما كان</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"> أبرها</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"> أحد كبار المسؤولين الإرتريين الذين فرضت
الولايات المتحدة عقوبات عليهم في نوفمبر 2021. وقد تم فرض عقوبات عليه لكونه قائدًا،
أو مسؤولًا أو مسؤولًا تنفيذيًا كبيرًا أو عضوًا في مجلس إدارة حكومة إرتريا أو
الجبهة الشعبية من أجل الديمقراطية والعدالة الحاكمة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;">او انخرط بشكل مباشر أو غير مباشر</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;">في اي نشاط أسهم في الأزمة في شمال إثيوبيا خلال
عام ٢٠٢٠م وعلى الرغم من أنه زار إثيوبيا عدة مرات سرًا، إلا أنه ظهر علنًا وهو
يقود وفدًا من جنرالات الجيش الإرتري وكبار المسؤولين الأمنيين إلى إثيوبيا في
أبريل 2023. وخلال تلك الزيارة، شوهد على شاشات التلفزيون الإثيوبية وهو يزور
المخابرات العسكرية والمؤسسات الأمنية</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>
. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">سيمون قبردنقل – نائب مدير جهاز الأمن الوطني</span></b><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><b><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span></b><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt;">) </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt;">لم نجد له صورة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><b><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>(</span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;">كان مسؤولاً عن قسم سلاح الإشارة الذي كان من
الأقسام المهمة للاتصالات اللاسلكية وكان بمثابة مركز عصبي للتنسيق خلال حرب
التحرير. أصبح نائب مدير الأمن الوطني في عهد </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;">أبرها</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;"> كاسا بعد
التحرير</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> . </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;">نادرا ما يظهر في العلن. وقد نجا من محاولة
اغتيال في عام 2007، التي اعترفت بها الحكومة، عندما بدأ القادة العسكريون يتصرفون
وكأنهم أمراء حرب يتقاتلون على الأراضي ويقسمون الغنائم فيما بينهم. ويعتقد أن أسياس يثق به أكثر من رئيسه أبرها كاسا. وكلاهما يراقب بعدهم البعض .</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 18.75pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"> </span><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;">الجنرال فيليبوس ولد يوهانس – رئيس أركان قوات
الدفاع الإرترية</span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgF0IHO38u_1Wq0nYvU5lMu91_ldciGVAA9KXtC6cugGgxEcKkzYS53xpOpqHFdhemjc1c5L5H2SE2nmn8xvU8Mmi-5LqiOk9BwqAWC5KC6tvo7f1h4E-5ks-yNzraNIvYhTmnZ6D_cFjdnWtrejWz1xzkmfOkbYWrbA3L5h0u1JBmJXiwQ3QNphHac3Ew/s630/General%20Filipos.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="630" data-original-width="628" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgF0IHO38u_1Wq0nYvU5lMu91_ldciGVAA9KXtC6cugGgxEcKkzYS53xpOpqHFdhemjc1c5L5H2SE2nmn8xvU8Mmi-5LqiOk9BwqAWC5KC6tvo7f1h4E-5ks-yNzraNIvYhTmnZ6D_cFjdnWtrejWz1xzkmfOkbYWrbA3L5h0u1JBmJXiwQ3QNphHac3Ew/s320/General%20Filipos.png" width="319" /></a></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 18.75pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">الجنرال فيليبوس شغل منصب قائد عسكري في الجيش خلال حرب التحرير. تولى عدة
مناصب بعد التحرير بما في ذلك قيادة منطقة العمليات الخامسة. تم تعيينه رئيسًا
للأركان في عام 2014، بعد وفاة الرائد ووتشو قبرزقي، المعروف بولائه العميق
لإسياس. في أغسطس 2021، فرض مكتب مراقبة الأصول الأجنبية التابع لوزارة الخزانة
الأمريكية عقوبات على الجنرال فيليبوس، رئيس أركان القوات الدفاعية الإريترية ،
لكونه قائدًا أو مسؤولًا في كيان متورط في انتهاكات جسيمة لحقوق الإنسان ارتكبت
خلال النزاع في تيقراي.</span><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 18.75pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"> </span><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;">العميد
تكلي كفلاي المعروف بتكلي مانجوس</span></b></p>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj6O1MLMw_6N0HAovQs-q5gnAvXdwmgqmS_RltSz6Ijtw2n3NaYKnPUU8ajvgnZRZkZnzKbVH7PUPI-8S0BT-SPWP26ntS6WvaXPtBLevGsaBki5rgDtl85NKrpOiBFR_4cCyfqqihTnMnqlQ2qxicH_6G4prDerSAzICXijWOdzWFMQ08JaY_Ec_UoEyA/s450/BG%20Tekle%20Manjus.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="330" data-original-width="450" height="235" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj6O1MLMw_6N0HAovQs-q5gnAvXdwmgqmS_RltSz6Ijtw2n3NaYKnPUU8ajvgnZRZkZnzKbVH7PUPI-8S0BT-SPWP26ntS6WvaXPtBLevGsaBki5rgDtl85NKrpOiBFR_4cCyfqqihTnMnqlQ2qxicH_6G4prDerSAzICXijWOdzWFMQ08JaY_Ec_UoEyA/s320/BG%20Tekle%20Manjus.png" width="320" /></a></div><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;">العميد
تكلي كفلاي من مواليد 1956، كان احد قواد الجيش أثناء حرب التحرير. كما تولى مناصب عسكرية مختلفة بعد
الاستقلال. وقد اتهمته مجموعة المراقبة
التابعة للأمم المتحدة المعنية بالصومال وإرتريا في عام 2011 بتهريب البشر
والأسلحة خلال الفترة التي كان فيها قائداً لمنطقة العمليات العسكرية الغربية التي
تشرف على الحدود الإرترية السودانية.</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;">نظيره
السوداني الرئيسي في هذا النشاط عبر الحدود هو مبروك مبارك سالم، وهو رجل </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt; padding: 0cm;">أعمال من قبيلة الرشايدة وزعيم سابق لجماعة “الأسود الحرة” المنحلة التي
شكلت ذات يوم جزءًا من تحالف المعارضة السوداني “الجبهة الشرقية” المدعومة من
إرتريا. كما شارك كفلاي في بيع خردة
معدنية إرترية بملايين الدولارات لشركة جياد، وهي مجموعة من الشركات السودانية، في
عام 2010. وعلى الرغم من كل هذه الاتهامات، فإنه لا يزال مقربًا من أسياس.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: 19.5pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="color: #2c2f34; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><br /><p></p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-82939570551396198712023-11-16T22:28:00.000-08:002023-11-16T22:28:28.256-08:00هل إثيوبيا وإريتريا في طريقهما إلى الحرب؟<p> </p><p style="text-align: right;"></p><div style="border: solid #D9D9E3 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-element: para-border-div; padding: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm;">
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 15.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Segoe UI",sans-serif;"><br />
</span><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Segoe UI",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt;">هل
إثيوبيا وإريتريا في طريقهما إلى الحرب؟</span></b><b><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Segoe UI",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 15.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Segoe UI", sans-serif; font-size: 11pt;">ترجمة
لمقال نشر في مجلة الفورين بوليسي بتأريخ ٧ نوفمبر</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><b><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Segoe UI",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span></b><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Segoe UI", sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">2023</span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; margin: 0cm 0cm 15pt; padding: 0cm; text-align: center; unicode-bidi: embed;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjD4KDoSGPBLqh7O0d9J4vNqaU7-Ov-ZmQHOu7SXzXj3fjazdSdCgMZTrEsUD9yBa3hqMohwUDl7TvC4xWtemK-XpDwxJnG5rSw5Kt67nqpx1tmofgeHw-4FWj7_QkyJOE3nUDbcyK0f3d4GiiuQGrYFQ5AWLfLIFkeKL19gHFsUzxZf_p8lOF34jpgwPo/s1348/Abi%20Isaias.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="894" data-original-width="1348" height="212" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjD4KDoSGPBLqh7O0d9J4vNqaU7-Ov-ZmQHOu7SXzXj3fjazdSdCgMZTrEsUD9yBa3hqMohwUDl7TvC4xWtemK-XpDwxJnG5rSw5Kt67nqpx1tmofgeHw-4FWj7_QkyJOE3nUDbcyK0f3d4GiiuQGrYFQ5AWLfLIFkeKL19gHFsUzxZf_p8lOF34jpgwPo/s320/Abi%20Isaias.png" width="320" /></a></div><br /><b><br /></b><p></p><p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 15.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span style="font-family: "Segoe UI",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt;"><a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2023/11/07/ethiopia-eritrea-war-tplf"><span dir="LTR">https://foreignpolicy.com/2023/11/07/ethiopia-eritrea-war-tplf</span></a></span></b><b><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Segoe UI",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 15.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Segoe UI",sans-serif;">أصبح الأعداء حلفاء لمحاربة
جبهة تحرير شعب تيقراي، لكن الخلافات القديمة والنزاعات الجديدة تهدد بإعادة إحياء
الصراع</span></b><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><b><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Segoe UI",sans-serif;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.
</span></b><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Segoe UI",sans-serif;">قاتلت
إثيوبيا وإريتريا جبهة تحرير شعب تيغراي معًا. الآن قد يقاتلون بعضهم البعض مرة
أخرى </span></b><b><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Segoe UI",sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 15.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Segoe UI",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt;">بقلم محمد
خير عمر</span></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Segoe UI",sans-serif;">،
باحث وكاتب مقيم في أوسلو، النرويج. وهو عضو سابق في جبهة التحرير</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Segoe UI",sans-serif;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Segoe UI",sans-serif;">الإرترية </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Segoe UI",sans-serif;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 15.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><br />
</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">في السنوات الخمس المضطربة من 2018 إلى 2023، تقلبت الديناميكيات بين
إريتريا وإثيوبيا من العداء إلى التعاون والآن - بشكل مقلق - نحو حافة الحرب</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.
</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">ترتبط علاقتهما المتغيرة ارتباطًا وثيقًا بالسياسة الإقليمية وصراعات
القوى، وتدور بشكل أساسي حول سعي إثيوبيا الطموح لاستعادة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">منفذ
بحري على سواحل البحر الأحمر، والذي فقدته في عام 1991 بعد استقلال إريتريا. اتهم
رئيس الوزراء الإثيوبي آبي أحمد، بشكل مستمر وفي </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">اجتماعات سرية</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">،
جبهة تحرير شعب </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">تقراي
</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>(TPLF) </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">بقبول
استقلال إريتريا. ويُقال أيضًا أن آبي اتهم إريتريا بتعطيل اتفاقية بريتوريا
للسلام الموقعة بين جبهة تحرير شعب </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">تقراي </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">والحكومة
الفيدرالية والتي أنهت الحرب الأهلية في إثيوبيا - والتي قاتلت فيها إريتريا إلى
جانب الحكومة ضد جبهة تحرير شعب</span><span lang="AR-SA"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">تقراي</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"> -
العام الماضي</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 15.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">في
13 أكتوبر، بثت وسائل الإعلام الإثيوبية خطابًا مسجلاً سابقًا لآبي</span><span lang="AR-SA"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">أحمد</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">في</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">
البرلمان، مؤكدًا على أهمية البحر الأحمر لمستقبل إثيوبيا لدفعها نحو العظمة أو
إغراقها في النسيان - وكذلك توضيح طموحها في إقامة قاعدة بحرية. (تم تشكيل قوة
بحرية بالفعل)</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">أزعج هذا الطرح</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">الدول المجاورة مثل</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">إريتريا
جيبوتي والصومال، وحتى الولايات المتحدة، حيث حث وزير الخارجية أنتوني بلينكن
مؤخرًا كلا البلدين على الامتناع عن الاستفزاز واحترام استقلال وسيادة وسلامة
الأراضي لجميع الدول في المنطقة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">كانت إثيوبيا المعاصرة لها</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">منفذ
بحري على سواحل البحر الأحمر</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"> بين عامي 1952 و1991، فقط وهي فترة تميزت بحرب تحرير إريتريا
المكلفة. بعد الاستقلال عادت إريتريا،<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>إلى
حدودها السابقة دون ترسيم الحدود على الارض وذلك للعلاقات الجيدة التي كانت تربطها
مع جبهة تحرير شعب تقراي التي كانت مهيمنة على الحكم في إثيوبيا. تصاعدت النزاعات
الحدودية في عام 1998 إلى حرب استمرت حتى عام 2000، واختتمت باتفاق الجزائر، الذي
دعا إلى إنشاء لجنة لترسيم الحدود. قبلت إثيوبيا حكم اللجنة بتردد ولم تنفذه ، مما
أدى إلى حالة توتر مستمرة حتى صعود آبي</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">أحمد
إلى السلطة في عام 2018. من الجدير بالذكر أنه من عام 1998 إلى عام 2018، شهدت
إثيوبيا نمواً اقتصادياً ملحوظاً دون الاعتماد على الموانئ الإريترية</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">عندما زار آبي إريتريا في يوليو
2018، أعلن البلدين نهاية حالة الحرب. اتفقا على استعادة العلاقات الدبلوماسية،
وإعادة فتح الرحلات الجوية، وتسهيل التجارة عبر فتح حدودهما. أدى هذا الاتفاق
السلمي الهام إلى إعادة فتح السفارات واستئناف الرحلات الجوية بين البلدين، مما
أدى في البداية إلى توليد تفاؤل كبير</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 5.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 15.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">تم منح آبي</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">جائزة
نوبل للسلام</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"> في عام
2019 مع التركيز على دوره في حل النزاع الحدودي مع إريتريا. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">كانت
لجنة نوبل تكافئ بشكل أساسي عملية سلام هدفت إلى إنهاء صراع بينما يتضح الان أنها
بذلك مهدت لعدة صراعات أخرى. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">لم
يدم التفاؤل بجائزة نوبل طويلاً. </span><span dir="LTR" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 5.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 15.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">بعد بضعة أشهر، أُغلقت الحدود مرة أخرى، وظلت
العديد من القضايا دون حل. كانت الاتفاقيات الموقعة من قبل الزعيمين محاطة
بالسرية. وبعد ذلك، تم إطلاق حملة عسكرية مشتركة مدمرة ضد تيقراي للقضاء على عدو
مشترك، جبهة تحرير شعب تيقراي ، في عام 2020 - مما أدى إلى أزمة إنسانية على نطاق
واسع</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">تشير مصادر عسكرية إريترية إلى أن البلاد تستعد
الآن لحرب محتملة حيث تقوم إثيوبيا بتجميع قوات بالقرب من الحدود الإريترية في
زالمبسا - والتي تبعد 100 ميل عن العاصمة، أسمرة - وجبهة عصب، والتي تشمل ميناء
عصب، الذي يبعد 45 ميلًا عن الحدود الإثيوبية وقد يكون صعبًا على إريتريا الدفاع</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">عن
جبهة عصب</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">. شهدت تلك
المناطق مؤخرًا نشاطًا مكثفًا للطائرات وتحركات القوات. وسط الاهتمام العالمي
بالانتخابات الأمريكية في عام 2020، ذهب آبي إلى الحرب مع جبهة تحرير شعب</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">تيقراي. هناك مخاوف من أنه قد يستهدف إريتريا
الآن وسط تركيز العالم على غزة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="border: none; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 5.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 15.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 5.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 15.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">قد
تضع خصائص كلا الزعيمين المسرح لكارثة. يُعرف آبي بنهجه المتناقض</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">في
الدعوة للسلم بينما يخطط للحرب. لطالما كان حريصًا على حل المشكلات السياسية من
خلال الوسائل العسكرية. يرى نفسه موجهًا بإلهام إلهي في سعيه لمجد إثيوبيا، حيث
يلعب البحر الأحمر وإريتريا دورًا محوريًا. إسياس أفورقي هو ديكتاتور مخضرم لا
يرحم لديه ميل للحرب بالوكالة. قد يعزز دعمه لميليشيات</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"> الأمهرة</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">
وجيش تحرير أورومو لإضعاف آبي. (يُقال إن رئيس إريتريا يدعم بالفعل الأمهرة
بالتدريب والأسلحة، وفقًا لمصادر عسكرية داخلية.)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 5.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 15.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">إذا
نشبت الحرب بين البلدين، قد تركز إثيوبيا أعمالها العسكرية على جبهة عصب، وهي
منطقة مناسبة للغارات الجوية والضربات بالطائرات بدون طيار وبعيدة عن مركز
إريتريا. قد تواجه إريتريا تحديات لوجستية في تعزيز هذه المنطقة، مما قد يدفعها
إلى نقل قوات من 52 منطقة تحتلها في تيقراي. يُقدر أن القوات الإريترية قد نشرت
حاليًا تسع فرق على المناطق الحدودية التي تحتلها في تيقراي والتي يبلغ مجموعها
حوالي 40,000 جندي.</span><span dir="LTR" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 5.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 15.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">تتعزز
وحدات المشاة بقوات المدرعات التي تعتمد عليها إريتريا بشكل كبير. تدعي إريتريا
أنه قواتها منشرة في المناطق التي منحتها إياها لجنة ترسيم الحدود. من الممكن أن
تهاجم إريتريا إثيوبيا وتحتل المزيد من الأراضي كخطوة استباقية. تمامًا مثل ما حدث
في عام 1998، قد يؤدي حادث صغير أو سوء تقدير من أحد الجانبين إلى حرب شاملة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 5.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 15.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">قد
يتيح اندلاع الحرب فرصة لإثيوبيا لاستعادة المناطق التي تحتلها إريتريا أو تسيطر
عليها الميليشيات الأمهرية. بالإضافة إلى ذلك، قد تحاول القوات المتبقية من جبهة
تحرير شعب </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">تيقراي</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;">
، والتي يقدر عددها بحوالي 200,000 ولم يتم نزع سلاحها بعد، استعادة الأراضي التي
يعتقدون أنها تعود لهم دستوريًا</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">من الناحية المنطقية كلا البلدين غير
مستعدين لحرب شاملة بسبب الخسائر الكبيرة التي تكبدوها خلال نزاع تيقراي. قد تكون
الحرب قد أدت إلى مقتل حوالي 600،000 شخص. يُقدر أن أكثر من مليون شخص لا يزالون
نازحين داخليًا من حرب تيقراي. وأن تكلفة إعادة بناء ما دمرته الحرب الاهلية في
إثيوبيا تبلغ 20 مليار دولار.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">الجيش الإثيوبي منتشر في عدت مواقع ،
وهو يتعامل مع تحديات متعددة، خاصة في مناطق الأمهرة ومنطقة ألٱرومو. لقد استمر
النزاع في منطقة أوروميا في إثيوبيا لمدة خمس سنوات دون جذب الكثير من الاهتمام
الدولي، ويحدث بشكل أساسي داخل أوروميا لكنه يؤثر أحيانًا على المناطق المجاورة
مثل ب</span><span lang="AR-SA"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">مثل بنيشنقول قمز وقامبيلا وألامهرة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>
</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">يعود جذور النزاع المستمر في منطقة الأمهرة
الإثيوبية إلى تظلمات طويلة الأمد تعود إلى عام 1991 عندما استلمت جبهة تحرير شعب تيقراي
السلطة في إثيوبيا. واجهت الجماعة الأمهرية عنفًا كبيرًا ونزوحًا، خاصة منذ تولي
آبي السلطة، مع هجمات</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">تتركز
في ولايات أوروميا وبنيشنقول قمز الإقليميتين</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">تصاعدت الاشتباكات في منطقة الأمهرة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">في أبريل من هذا العام عندما حاولت
الحكومة الفيدرالية نزع سلاح قوات الأمهرة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">الخاصة وميليشيا</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">الأمهرة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">التي قاتلت إلى جانبها خلال حرب تيقراي. في
البداية، سيطرت الميليشيا المعروفة باسم <i>فانو</i> على مدن كبيرة في المنطقة
واقتحمت عدة سجون مطلقة سراح السجناء. ردت الحكومة الفيدرالية بشدة باستخدام
الأسلحة الثقيلة والطائرات بدون طيار والقصف الجوي</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">أدى ذلك إلى اعتقال مئات الأشخاص،
بما في ذلك أعضاء في البرلمان الوطني والإقليمي، وسط شكوك في دعمهم للمتمردين.
غادرت الميليشيا المدن الكبيرة والآن تشتبك مع الجيش عبر كمائن على الطرقات وفي
الأرياف. هناك خسائر فادحة في صفوف الطرفين وبين السكان المدنيين</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">ينظر الأمهرة إلى الأورومو على أنهم
منافسوهم الرئيسيون سياسيا واقتصاديا، ويرون الحكومة الحالية على أنها تحت هيمنة
الأورومو ، على الرغم من أعمالها القمعية في أوروميا وعدم شعبيتها بشكل عام بين
شعب الأورومو. منذ دستور عام 1995، الذي اقرا الفيدرالية العرقية كنظام للحكم، شعر
الأمهرة بالتهميش لفقدانهم هيمنتهم التاريخية في سياسة إثيوبيا واقتصادها وثقافتها</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">في الوقت نفسه، تواجه إريتريا عزلة
دولية،</span><span lang="AR-SA"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">حيث تحبذ العديد من الدول على رحيل إسياس. ولكن الشعب الإريتري لن
يتنازل عن استقلاله، وقد يتحالف الإريتريون المعارضون للنظام مع الحكومة للدفاع عن
بلادهم،</span><span lang="AR-SA"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">مما قد يقوي هيمنة إسياس</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">كانت التوترات بين البلدين بالفعل في
طور الظهور، حتى خلال تحالفهما أثناء النزاع في تيقراي. في يونيو 2021، عندما اضطر
آبي إلى سحب قواته من تيقراي، لم يتم إبلاغ القوات الإريترية مقدمًا، مما تسبب في
خسائر في الأرواح وأدى إلى الاحتكاك. كان القادة العسكريون الإثيوبيون غير راضين
عن سلوك القوات الإريترية، التي</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">فردت
هيمنتها</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>
</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">على القادة
الإثيوبيين. كان ذلك واضحًا في إقامة نقاط التفتيش التي كان على القوات الإثيوبية
فيها طلب الإذن من القادة الإريتريين للمرور</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">أبدت إريتريا استياءها من رد فعل آبي
تجاه الضغوط الغربية، بما في ذلك التحقيقات في جرائم الحرب التي أجراها مجلس حقوق
الإنسان الإثيوبي ومكتب المفوض السامي للأمم المتحدة لحقوق الإنسان. شملت هذه
التحقيقات الأطراف المتحاربة، بما في ذلك القوات الإريترية</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">تم فرض عقوبات على الكيانات الإريترية والشخصيات
العسكرية والمسؤولين الأمنيين من قبل كل من الولايات المتحدة والاتحاد الأوروبي
ولم تمس هذه العقوبات الكيانات الإثيوبية. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">زاد الانقسام بين البلدين عمقًا بعد
توقيع اتفاقية السلام بين جبهة تحرير شعب تيقراي</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> (TPLF)</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">والحكومة الفيدرالية في نوفمبر 2022،
والتي لم تتمثل فيها إريتريا ولا قادة منطقة الأمهرة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">يعتبر الوضع العسكري في منطقة
الأمهرة محوريا في هذا النزاع بين الدولتين. شعرت كل من إريتريا وميليشيات الأمهرة
بالخيانة من قبل آبي بعد توقيعه على اتفاقية سلام بريتوريا. قاتلت كل منهما ضد
جبهة تحرير شعب تيقراي ولم يكونا سعيدتين بعدم القضاء عليها نهائيًا. تسيطر
ميليشيات الأمهرة على ما كان يُعرف بغرب تيقراي وبالتالي لديها إمكانية الوصول
المباشر إلى إريتريا. قد تستغل إريتريا موارد الأمهرة لزعزعة استقرار إثيوبيا،
بينما يتعين على إثيوبيا إغلاق حدودها مع إريتريا لقطع الدعم الإريتري عن ميليشيا الأمهرة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">تصر ميليشيات الأمهرة على الاحتفاظ
بالأراضي التي استعادتها خلال النزاع في تيقراي، والتي تعرف باسم ولقايت ظيقدي من
قبل الأمهرة وغرب تيقراي من قبل التقراي. يُنظر إلى العودة المحتملة لهذه المناطق
إلى جبهة تحرير شعب تيقراي على أنها تهديد من قبل اريتريا، حيث يمكن أن تمنح ذلك
جبهة تحرير شعب تيقراي منفذ إلى السودان </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>,</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">تطور
يُنظر إليه بقلق من قبل إريتريا. وذلك لأن التقراي سيكونون قادرين على الحصول على
مساعدة مباشرة من خلال السودان، أو حتى مهاجمة إريتريا عبر السودان إذا نشبت حرب
بين إثيوبيا واريتريا.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">في الأول من مايو، ألقى أبي خطاب عام
بخصوص اغتيال رئيس فرع حزبه </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>‘</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">الرفاهية </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>‘</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>
في منطقة الأمهرة من قبل متطرفين أمهرة يُعتقد أنهم يتلقون دعمًا من إريتريا. حذر
آبي بشدة مما أشار إليه باسم "القوى غير الإثيوبية"، وهو يشير على
الأرجح إلى إريتريا، داعيًا إياها إلى التوقف عن التدخل في الشؤون الداخلية
لإثيوبيا والامتناع عن زعزعة استقرار الأمة. نصحهم بالتركيز على شؤونهم الخاصة،
مؤكدًا أن لديهم الكثير من التحديات لمعالجتها</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">جاء هذا البيان عقب مواجهة في اجتماع
مغلق كان آبي قد أجراها</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">مع
وفد من جنرالات الجيش الإريتري وكبار المسؤولين الذين زاروا إثيوبيا في أوائل
أبريل 2023. في ذلك الاجتماع، طالبهم آبي بأن يمتنعوا عن دعم القوات الأمهرية</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">في الوقت نفسه، يتصاعد خطاب آبي.
نُقل عنه قوله إنه لن يقتصر على استعادة ميناء عصب، بل سيستعيد كامل أراضي
إريتريا. ويُزعم أن رئيس أركان الجيش الإثيوبي، في تقييمه للنزاع داخل منطقة
أمهرة، قد أفاد بأنه من الضروري تصنيف إريتريا كعدو. ويُضيف تصريح رئيس إقليم أوروميا
بأن احتفال <i>الإريتشا</i>، وهو مهرجان أورومي يُقام بالقرب من مسطح مائي، سيتم
الاحتفال به القادم على ضفاف البحر الأحمر والمحيط الهندي المزيد من الزيت على
النار</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">تشير الاتجاهات الحالية إلى مسار
تصادم محتمل قد يكون له تأثيرات إقليمية مدمرة. الوضع متقلب، والدبلوماسية الحذرة
من قبل الاتحاد الأفريقي والمجتمع الدولي أمر حاسم لمنع نتيجة كارثية. آخر ما
يحتاجه القرن الأفريقي هو حرب أخرى.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p style="border: none; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p style="border: none; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p style="border: none; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p style="border: none; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p style="border: none; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p style="border: none; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p style="border: none; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p style="border: none; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p style="border: none; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p style="border: none; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p style="border: none; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p style="border: none; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 15.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-bidi;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 15.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid #D9D9E3 .25pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Segoe UI",sans-serif;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
</div>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><br /><p></p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-27914796108361379292023-09-16T01:33:00.004-07:002023-09-17T19:53:11.252-07:00عثمان السيد فى افادات مهمة خاصة دعم السودان لجبهة تحرير التقراى والجبهة الشعبية لتحرير ارتريا 2018<p style="text-align: right;"><b><br /></b></p><p style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><b>مدير جهاز
الامن الخارجي في عهد مايو عثمان السيد فى افادات مهمة خاصة دعم السودان لجبهة
تحرير التقراى والجبهة الشعبية </b></span><b style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">لتحرير ارتريا</b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><b> </b></span><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16px;">وأفادات مهمة عن إجبار السودان جبه</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16px;">ة</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16px;"><b> تحرير ارتريا لتسليم سلاحهها وملابساته</b> </span></p><p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"></span></p><p class="MsoNormal">Sudan’s external Intelligence Chief during Numeiri rule in
Sudan Oman Al-Sayyid in important statements, especially Sudan’s support for
the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) and the Tigray people’s
Liberation Front ( TPLF) and important statements about Sudan forcing the Eritrean
Liberation Front (ELF) units that entered Sudan in 1981 to surrender their
weapons. The Security were against
disarming the ELF, they thought this will empower Isaias Afwerki and Christians
in the EPLF, while the army, under Vice-President, Abdulmajid Hamid Khelil,
were for disarming the ELF and they won, so the ELF was disarmed.<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR"><o:p> </o:p></span><b><span style="color: #050505; font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 11.5pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI Historic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><a href="https://www.facebook.com/ahmadabdo.abdo.94?__cft__%5b0%5d=AZU6tL0xermHVzmGOm9sj_s3mu5YtEGiZMjbQcafJOAgOLfKJeuYzvH9l6vs4Qcl9dpJaxJU3mTyMXo_T-N291PyvCmvVFDAiCnvtU9YQCKess6UjIupeyl4beDtugcQ6lxZTNx0UVO0Jmy83_jWzjuw&__tn__=-UC%2CP-y-R"><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: blue; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; padding: 0cm; text-decoration-line: none;">عبد القادر الحيمي</span></a></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 3.75pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><a href="https://www.facebook.com/mkomer2/posts/1964437926940753">(3) The former External Affairs Security Chief... - Mohamed Kheir Omer | Facebook</a></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 3.75pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><a href="https://www.facebook.com/ahmadabdo.abdo.94/posts/993441540834947?__cft__%5b0%5d=AZU6tL0xermHVzmGOm9sj_s3mu5YtEGiZMjbQcafJOAgOLfKJeuYzvH9l6vs4Qcl9dpJaxJU3mTyMXo_T-N291PyvCmvVFDAiCnvtU9YQCKess6UjIupeyl4beDtugcQ6lxZTNx0UVO0Jmy83_jWzjuw&__tn__=%2CO%2CP-y-R"><b><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: blue; padding: 0cm; text-decoration-line: none;">20 July 2018</span></b></a></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 3.75pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_GsUpejXcFs&t=2559s">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_GsUpejXcFs&t=2559s</a> · <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">مدير جهاز
الامن الخارجي في عهد مايو اللواء والسفير السابق فى اديس ابابا </span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">عثمان السيد
فى افادات مهمة خاصة دعم السودان لجبهة تحرير التقراى والجبهة الشعبية لتحرير ارتريا
....وأفادات مهمة عن إجبار السودان جبهات تحرير ارتريا لتسليم سلاحهها وملابساته </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>:<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">كنت شاهدا
على محاولة اغتيال حسني مبارك (وكلها وقعت فوق رأسي)</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">الخيار :
إما تسقط الخرطوم او تسقط اديس ابابا واسمره </span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">مدير جهاز
الامن الخارجي في عهد مايو اللواء عثمان السيد : كنت شاهدا على محاولة اغتيال حسني
مبارك (وكلها وقعت فوق رأسي)</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">حمَّل مدير
جهاز الأمن الخارجي في عهد مايو اللواء المتقاعد عثمان السيد، الحزب الشيوعي،
مسؤولية مذبحة بيت الضيافة. وأردف:"عثمان أبو شيبة مسؤول عن
الانقلاب".وقال السيد في "كباية شاي" بمقر (التيار) ليلة الخميس
الماضي: إن مايو أخطأت باعتقال الإسلاميين قبل الانتفاضة لأنها الجهة الوحيدة التي
كانت تساند النظام، قائلاً :" الأخوان المسلمون كانوا الوحيدين المساندين
مايو، وفي توادد بين الجهتين وانحنا في الأمن كنا محتاجين دعم ولقيناه من
الإسلاميين". وشهد السيد أن اللواء عثمان عبد الله كان مصراً على ضرب الشرطة
للمتظاهرين ضد مايو بالرصاص. وقال بالحرف لمدير عام الشرطة</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> ( Shoot to kill).<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">ورغم ذلك
تولى منصب وزير الدفاع بعد سقوط نظام مايو. وقال إن البشير كان أول الضباط
الواصلين على رأس قوة لاستلام مقر جهاز أمن الدولة وتبعه الهادي بشرى، مؤكداً
أنهما كانا ضد حل الجهاز</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>".<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">وبشأن
محاولة اغتيال حسني مبارك رفض السيد كشف تفاصيل محاولة اغتيال حسني مبارك في
1995م، وقال :" الحكاية كلها وقعت في رأسي، وأنا سفير بس في حاجات ما بقدر
أقولها". ونفى علمه بوجود توتر بين السودان وإثيوبيا في الوقت الراهن، ووصف
الحديث عن سحب السفير الإثيوبي من الخرطوم بـأنه "كلام واتس آب</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>".<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">الخرطوم:
حمد سليمان</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">الأحيمر
أجهض يوليو</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">حماد
الأحيمر من الذين عملوا على إجهاض يوليو 1971، لكنه اشترك هو الأخر في انقلاب حسن
حسين في 1975، للحد الذي يقال إنه قتل بطلقة من أبو القاسم محمد إبراهيم، وكان
ضابط صف في المدرعات وتمت ترقيته.. وما يقال حول الأوضاع في إريتريا، نحن كجهاز
أمن مسؤولين عن المخابرات وتعرَّفت على أسياسي أفورقي في 1973، ومليس زيناوي 1975،
والرهان على الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير إريتريا وجبهة تحرير التقراي، وينبغي لإثيوبيا
دعم جبهة تحرير الأرومو وهي التنظيمات الإسلامية باعتبار أن الغالبية منهم مسلمين</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">حماية
الخرطوم في سقوط هذه العواصم</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">ف<b>ي مطلع
العام 1990 وحتى 1991 كانت هناك أطروحتين داخل نظام الإنقاذ وقالوا خلونا نكون
واقعيين الحركة الشعبية في الكرمك ومنها يمكن أن يتجه للخرطوم، وأضحى الخيار يا
أما تسقط الخرطوم أو تسقط كل من أديس أبابا وأسمرا، صحيح الأرومو غالبيتهم مسلمين
لكنهم لم يكونوا مؤهلين، وإذا لجأنا لخيار تدريب الأرومو سيكون الأمر صعباً ويحتاج
لوقت، لكن الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير إريتريا جاهزة وموجودة في الميدان وكانت مسلحة،
وجبهة تحرير التقراي هي الأخرى جاهزة وفي الميدان، لكن السؤال الأهم أننا في حاجة
لحماية أنفسنا وعايزين ندعم أي من هذه الجبهات حتى تسقط تلك العواصم لحماية
الخرطوم، لكن لم يكن هناك أي اتجاه لإبعاد المسلمين من الساحة وإفساح المجال
لأسياسي ومنذ أيام مايو دخل العرب بتنظيمات امختلفة وسط الإريتريين، السوريين
عملوا جناح، وكذا العراقيين، السعوديين، وكل دولة لديها جناح ومؤخراً دخلت
الإمارات هذا الوضع أدى لتقسيم الإريتريين المسلمين وإضعافهم لكن بالمقابل كانت
المنظمات المسيحية جميعها تقدم الدعم لتنظيم أسياسي أفورقي ما مكنه في الأخير لكي
يصبح البديل الوحيد المطروح في الساحة ليتمكن من الوصول لأسمرا في 24/ مايو 1991م،
وكذلك جبهة تحرير التقراي استطاعت هي الأخرى بقيادة مليس مع تحالف الأرومو أنفسهم
ومجموعة من الأمهرة وتكتل للأحزاب الجنوبية، كانت هناك الجبهة الإسلامية لتحرير
الأرومو ورئيسها عبدالكريم جار، لكنه اختفى ولم يكن هناك خيار سوى دعم تلك
الجماعات</b></span><b><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;"><b>اختلاف
الجيش مع الأمن</b></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">في جهاز
الأمن كان موقفنا واضح إذا انفردت الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير إريتريا بقيادتها
المسيحية وغالبية القاعدة مسلمين، ستكون الساحة تحت سيطرة أسياسي ومجموعة
المسيحيين الإريتريين، رؤيتنا كانت إعادة تسليحهم وإعادتهم للساحة الإريترية
وهؤلاء بما فيهم حزب العمل وعلى الرغم من أنهم مجموعة يسارية ومجموعات أخرى وأحمد
ناصر، وكانت هذه عناصر عربية وإسلامية،</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p><b> </b></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">لكن رؤية
الجيش وبالتحديد الفريق عبدالماجد حامد خليل، كان هناك خلافات بينه وبين الفريق
توفيق أبو كدوك، وكان قائد القيادة الشرقية، والتعليمات من النائب الأول لرئيس
الجمهورية وقتها الفريق عبدالماجد مافي كلام زي دا، الناس يدخلوا السودان بسلاحهم
ونحن نحاول مرة تانية تأهيلهم وترتيبهم لإعادتهم الساحة (دي ما شغلانيتنا) يجردوا
من السلاح ويتم وضعهم في معسكرات (كركون)، وقد كان في النهاية مشى كلام ناس الجيش
باعتبار أن المسألة عملية عسكرية بحتة، والذي أعطى التعليمات هو النائب الأول ونحن
من ناحية فنية صحيح مسؤولين من الجبهات سوى كانت جبهة تحرير إريتريا أو الشعبية أو
غيرها، لكن لما يكون هناك صراع مسلح داخل إريتريا وتدخل مجموعة مسلحة هنا يقف
دورنا كجهاز أمن قلنا رأينا بصراحة لكن الأمر بيد الجيش</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p><b> </b></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">وبالفعل قمت
بكتابة مذكرة سلمتها للواء عمر محمد الطيب، وفي النهاية انتصر رأي الجيش، وأنا
كـ(عثمان السيد) في اعتقادي كان لابد من إعادة هذه الحركات لداخل الميدان لكن
الرأي مشى خلافاً لما كنت أريده، وفي النهاية أصبحت الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير إريتريا
هي الموجودة في الميدان، ومنذ ذلك الحين استمرت سيطرتها إلى الآن، وأسياسي أفورقي
لم يكن وليداً للحظة ولما جاءت لحظة دخول أسمرا لم يكن هناك خيار سواه</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">أمريكا
تُرغَم لقبول الإنقاذ </span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p><b> </b></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">الدور
الأمريكي في مستقبل الوضع في إثيوبيا وإريتريا بعد السقوط ووقتها كان هنري كوهين
مساعد وزير الخارجية الأمريكي للشؤون الأفريقية وأمريكا كانت لا تريد أي دور
للسودان في مستقبل إثيوبيا وإريتريا، لكن ما حدث أن إصرار مليس زيناوي والجبهات
الإثيوبية الأخرى وأسياسي أفورقي بضرورة وجود السودان هو ما دعا للإزعان</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">وفي شهر
أبريل 1991 انعقد اجتماع بلندن وكلفنا أنا والفاتح عروة بتمثيل السودان وكان
الاجتماع في مقر السفارة الأمريكية، وكنا على تأكيد تام أن ذلك الأمر من أشق
الأعمال على هيرندى كوهين، وذلك للمواقف التي تتبناها الإنقاذ ضد أمريكا ويكون
تمثيل السودان بشخصين داخل السفارة الأمريكية ليحضروا الاجتماع</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">والجبهات
الإريترية وأسياسي أفورقي أصروا على وجودنا وقالوا لهم بالحرف الواحد انحنا ما
بنعرف علاقتكم بالسودان ومدى سوء التفاهم لكننا اتحركنا من السودان لإسقاط منقستو،
وهم الساعدونا لا يمكن نتجاهل دورهم وقد كان، حضرنا ذلك الاجتماع رغم أنف
الأمريكان</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p><b> </b></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">بيت الضيافة
والتعليمات صدرت من أبوشيبة </span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">الضباط
الذين قاموا بتنفيذ مذبحة بيت الضيافة جاءتهم التعليمات من أبوشيبة، وأنا لم أقل
إن عبدالخالق هو من أصدر التوجيهات لـ(أبو شيبة)، أحد الضباط الدفعة (20) كان
حينها موجوداً لتلك الوقائع أخبرني بتلك التعليمات، وما سمعته من عثمان الكودة أن
عبدالخالق نفذ الانقلاب</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">اأضخوان
المسملون الداعم الأول لأمن مايو</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p><b> </b></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">أحد أكبر
الأخطاء التي حصلت في مايو كان اعتقال الأخوان المسلمين وهذا ما قلناه في اجتماع
اللجنة الفنية والوحيدين الكانو ساندين مايو هم الأخوان وكل الأحزاب الأخرى ضدها،
وحتى نقابة الأطباء ناس د.الجزولي دفع الله وغيرهم، واللواء عمر محمد الطيب كان
بقول والله (أمس قبضناهم كلهم) الترابي وحتى حاج نور وآل عروة كمال ومحجوب تم
القبض عليهم ولم يكونوا ضمن القيادات، لكن اللواء عمر كان غاضباً من الفاتح لأنه
قام بتسريب تفاصيل نقل الفلاشا للترابي والأخوان المسلمين، والفاتح وقتها سافر
لأمريكا، وقلتها من قبل أن هذا النظام لا يمكن أن يستمر وهذا ليس دفاعاً عن
الأخوان، ولكن تلك الحقيقة إذا قمت بالقبض على الوحيد الذي يساندك فهذا يعني سقوطك
وهو ما حدث (مايو بركت) والدليل على أن الشخص الذي كان يدعمك أصبح رئيس الحكومة في
الانتفاضة، وعند قيام الانتفاضة الناس الوحيدين الثبتوا وكانوا مع أمن الدولة هم
الإسلاميون، وشيخ حسن قال كانوا يؤدون عملهم كما يؤدي الأخرين، فكيف لضابط في
الجيش يكون فريق أو لواء يقوم بأداء عمله وملازم بأمن الدولة يتم اعتقاله وحسب
اعتقادي بأن هناك توادد بين الجهتين، وكنا نريد دعم ووجدناه من الإسلاميين وكانوا
محتاجين لبعض الناس كأمنيين ليتم تعيين عبدالحميد، وجعفر، وغيرهم في الجهاز</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">طلبوني لهذا
السبب</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p><b> </b></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">السفير
الإثيوبي وميرغني سليمان اشتكوني للواء عمر بأنني أدعم التقراي وأنا كنت بقول ليهو
أهلنا بقولوا المرض البتخاف منو بقتلك، وإذا كان منقستو عندو جيش نص مليون مقاتل
ويخاف من التقراي وكانوا طلاب ناس مليس ديل معناه بقتلوه، وكانوا منظمين ويوزعوا
بيانات في السفارات ويشتروا ذرة وجازولين وبنزين وغيرها. سافرت لإثيوبيا بناءً على
رغبة الرئيس البشير ومليس زيناوي لأني أعرفهم وأصبحت سفيراً هناك، وحتى الآن
أعرفهم وبحترمهم</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span></b><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><b><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</b><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">بعد حل
الجهاز أصبحنا كالموساد</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">الحقيقة أنا
والأخرين من جهاز أمن الدولة بعد حله البعض أصبح مستشاراً في قطر واستشاريين في
الإمارات وبعضهم حتى الآن موجوداً، وانحنا أصبحنا في الشارع أنا جاءني مندوب من
الأمير تركي بن فيصل وهو مسؤول الاستخبارات الخارجية بالمملكة ووصلني في بيتي وقال
لي إذا كان الناس في السودان ما عايزين يستفيدوا منك أرجوا أن تعتبر المملكة وطنك
الثاني وانحنا عايزين نستفيد من خبرتك في القرن الأفريقي وبالنسبة للسعودية توجد
جزر إريترية على حدودها وليست ببعيدة لذلك أصبحنا أنا والفاتح عروة مستشارين لديها
في منطقة القرن الأفريقي، وما اعتقد أننا خالفنا القانون لأن الجهاز كله حلوه
والقانون مزَّقوه وأصبح أي زول كان في جهاز أمن الدولة اعتبروننا كأننا جهاز في
الموساد</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">محاولة
اغتيال حسني مبارك</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">أحداث أديس
أبابا ومحاولة اغتيال الرئيس المصري حسني مبارك، كنت شاهداً عليها وحينها كنت
سفيراً السودان (وكلها وقعت فوق رأسي). ودخلت في مشاكل كثيرة جداً حتى عندما عدت
للبلاد تحدثت مع الكثيرين منهم د.علي الحاج باعتبار أنه دفعة، وكنت متألم جداً لما
حدث، لأن الإثيوبيين كانوا زعلانين مما حدث، ولكن للأسف لا أستطيع الغوص في
التفاصيل، وما أقوله أن الخلاف رغم ما وصل له إلا أن المعالجة كانت متميِّزة لأن
الإثيوبيين قالوا رأينا أننا نقلص التمثيل الدبلوماسي ليبقى فقط السفير، إضافة
لثلاث آخرين وكان لدينا حوالي أربعين ممثلاً وقنصليات في عدة مناطق، إضافة لمكاتب
الاستخبارات وغيرها، وكل المنظمات الإسلامية كان لديها ممثلين، هذا الخلاف رغم
حدته استطاع البشير وزيناوي اجتيازه والعلاقات عادت أحسن مما كانت دون أي تدخل من
وسيط، ولأن العلاقة مع إثيوبيا أفضل من أي دولة في دول الجوار، وسد النهضة لا يوجد
فيه خلاف بين مصر وإثيوبيا، الماء عندما يتم إطلاقه من أديس أبابا، عندنا 4 ونصف
مليار متر مكعب، كانت تذهب لمصر، لكن بعد السد ستأتي المياه نقية وبدون طمي أو
فيضانات والأهم ستأتي كهرباء رخيصة الثمن. لكن حقيقة المشكلة بين السودان ومصر</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">بيع وشراء
الملفات بعد حل الجهاز</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">حل جهاز أمن
الدولة قرار غير موفق كان الأفضل الإبقاء عليه وإعفاء كل من: عمر محمد الطيب،
عثمان السيد، الفاتح الجيلي، كمال حسن أحمد، انحنا تعيَّنا وزراء وبقينا سياسيين
ممكن إعفاؤنا، لكن هناك كوادر مؤهلة كان يجب الإبقاء عليها، مافي دولة في الدنيا
بتحل الجهاز بهذه الطريقة، وما حدث بعد الانتفاضة هناك ملفات اتباعت في السوق وكنت
أتكلم مع أحد الأخوان المسملين قلت له أنا أعرف بعض الناس قاموا بشراء ملفاتهم
(فايلاتهم) بينهم أناس كانوا يتعاملون مع الجهاز وآخرين ماتوا وبعضهم قتل من
الإثيوبيين الذين كانوا يتعاملون مع الجهاز، ولو تصدقوا أن نميري لديه ملف خاص لدى
الجهاز منذ مجيئه وكان (عقيد) ومن ثم (مقدم)، ومثل هذه الملفات ذاكرة الأمة لا
يمكن بيعها وياما هناك ملفات وأشياء، وما أقوله وبكل أمانة ولا يوجد فيها تملك من
الناس الذين وقفوا وقفة كبيرة منهم عمر البشير وهو أول من دخل مقر الجهازعلى رأس
قوة من المظللات، ومن ثم العقيد الهادي بشرى هؤلاء كانوا حريصين على تأمين الجهاز
لكن كانت هناك ضغوط. في يوم الانتفاضة اتصل بي الفريق أول تاج السر عبدالله، وقال
لي يا عثمان عايزين نعمل جهاز وأسماء أمن الدولة والأمن القومي مرفوضة، فقلت له
أسموه الأمن الوطني كما في تونس واليمن، فوافق ووعدني بإصدار قرار لتشكيل الجهاز
برئاسة كمال حسن أحمد وعثمان السيد والفاتح الجيلي نواب وهذا القرار إلى الآن لم
يتم إلغاؤه، لكن حدثت المظاهرات والمجلس العسكري كان ضعيفاً ليجهض القرار</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">هنا انفجر
نميري غاضباً</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">في يوم من
الأيام جاء وفد إثيوبي بزيارة رسمية للخرطوم فيه رئيس جهاز الأمن تسفاي ووزير
الخارجية برهاني بايا ومن الحضور وزير الخارجية وقتها هاشم عثمان والسفير ميرغني
سليمان وشخصي، طالبوا بتسليم أسياسي أفورقي ومليس زيناوي وانحنا وبالمقابل يسلموا
قرنق ومجموعته، هذا الطلب أغضب نميري جداً وقال لهم انحنا زول طلب يلجأ للسودان
تحت حمايتنا ما بنسلموا على الإطلاق وإذا أعطيتونا قرنق انحنا ما عاوزنو، وواحد من
الناس قال سمعت لكن ما صدقت</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">سحب السفير
كلام "واتس آب</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>"<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">الحديث حول
استدعاء السفير الإثيوبي غير صحيح "ودا كلام واتساب". الوضع في إثيوبيا
صحيح فيه توتر داخلي والسودان لم يتدخل في الأمر، لأنها لم يكن فيها انتخابات
ومسألة قيادة الجبهة الثورية الديموقراطية لشعوب إثيوبيا وتتكون من جبهة التقراي،
المنظمة الأرومية الديمقراطية، والأمهرا، تكتل أحزاب الجنوب، وكل هذه تشكل القيادة
وتمثل المكتب السياسي</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 3.75pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 3.75pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: inherit; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: inherit; mso-ligatures: none;">واختاروا من
قبل هايلي ماريام رئيس الجبهة ورئيس الحكومة وتم اختيار آبي أحمد ليصبح رئيساً ولا
توجد انتخابات أصلاً. بعض المجموعات في جبهة تحرير التقراي ما راضين بسرعة الأحداث
وإثيوبيا بلد تقليدي وطبيعتهم هكذا، وإذا عايز ترسل خطاباً من مكتب لأخر يحتاج
لشهرين على الأقل، زيارة أسياسي أكثر الناس اهتماماً بها التقراي لأنهم على الحدود
مع إريتريا</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 9.0pt; margin-top: 0cm; margin: 0cm 9pt 0cm 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><!--[if mso & !supportInlineShapes & supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-begin;mso-field-lock:yes'></span><span dir=LTR></span><span
dir=LTR></span><span dir=LTR><span dir=LTR></span><span dir=LTR></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>SHAPE <span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>\* MERGEFORMAT <span style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span dir="LTR"><!--[if gte vml 1]><v:rect id="Rectangle_x0020_1" o:spid="_x0000_s1026"
style='width:13.45pt;height:13.45pt;visibility:visible;mso-wrap-style:square;
mso-left-percent:-10001;mso-top-percent:-10001;mso-position-horizontal:absolute;
mso-position-horizontal-relative:char;mso-position-vertical:absolute;
mso-position-vertical-relative:line;mso-left-percent:-10001;mso-top-percent:-10001;
v-text-anchor:top' o:gfxdata="UEsDBBQABgAIAAAAIQC75UiUBQEAAB4CAAATAAAAW0NvbnRlbnRfVHlwZXNdLnhtbKSRvU7DMBSF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" filled="f" stroked="f">
<o:lock v:ext="edit" aspectratio="t"/>
<w:wrap type="none"/>
<w:anchorlock/>
</v:rect><![endif]--><!--[if gte vml 1]><v:shapetype id="_x0000_t75"
coordsize="21600,21600" o:spt="75" o:preferrelative="t" path="m@4@5l@4@11@9@11@9@5xe"
filled="f" stroked="f">
<v:stroke joinstyle="miter"/>
<v:formulas>
<v:f eqn="if lineDrawn pixelLineWidth 0"/>
<v:f eqn="sum @0 1 0"/>
<v:f eqn="sum 0 0 @1"/>
<v:f eqn="prod @2 1 2"/>
<v:f eqn="prod @3 21600 pixelWidth"/>
<v:f eqn="prod @3 21600 pixelHeight"/>
<v:f eqn="sum @0 0 1"/>
<v:f eqn="prod @6 1 2"/>
<v:f eqn="prod @7 21600 pixelWidth"/>
<v:f eqn="sum @8 21600 0"/>
<v:f eqn="prod @7 21600 pixelHeight"/>
<v:f eqn="sum @10 21600 0"/>
</v:formulas>
<v:path o:extrusionok="f" gradientshapeok="t" o:connecttype="rect"/>
<o:lock v:ext="edit" aspectratio="t"/>
</v:shapetype><![endif]--></span><!--[if mso & !supportInlineShapes & supportFields]><span
dir=LTR><v:shape id="_x0000_i1025" type="#_x0000_t75" style='width:13.45pt;
height:13.45pt'>
<v:imagedata croptop="-65520f" cropbottom="65520f"/>
</v:shape><span style='mso-element:field-end'></span></span><![endif]--><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1.5pt solid windowtext; font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0cm;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">All reactions:<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">2Idris Muhammed Ali Suleiman and
Humeda Ahmed<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">1 comment<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">4 shares<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Like</span></b><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Comment</span></b><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Share</span></b><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="background: white; direction: rtl; line-height: normal; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #1c1e21; font-family: "inherit",serif; font-size: 9pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI Historic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><a href="https://www.facebook.com/sudanese.armed.forces?__cft__%5b0%5d=AZW8Iu3tkvFRsNWGttVZzQZNH57nVT-TUc-Ln4K6N1MGcr_e1XPLvL9Bz3oqcOgl3a0R3qI-BEnns9W6gxY47R4o__iVk-cYsAmKYTaIWt5cWpdyn8XVyz0yiJm0bTVQc1Q&__tn__=%3C%2CP-R"><span dir="LTR" style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: blue; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; padding: 0cm; text-decoration-line: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></a></span></p><p style="text-align: right;">
</p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p style="text-align: right;"> </p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-10326986286447042922023-08-24T04:59:00.002-07:002023-08-27T07:04:49.588-07:00Do sanctions work ? The case of Eritrea says “no”<p> </p><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 11.25pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 11.25pt; margin: 11.25pt 0cm; mso-outline-level: 1;"><b><span face=""var(--single-title-family)",serif" style="font-size: 24pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Do
sanctions work? The case of Eritrea says “no.”<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 11.25pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 11.25pt; margin: 11.25pt 0cm; mso-outline-level: 1;"><span face=""var(--single-title-family)",serif" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">21.01.2022</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 11.25pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 11.25pt; margin: 11.25pt 0cm; mso-outline-level: 1;"><a href="https://democracyinafrica.org/do-sanctions-work-the-case-of-eritrea-says-no/">Do sanctions work ? The case of Eritrea says “no” | Democracy in Africa</a></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;"><span face=""var(--single-meta-family)",serif" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><a href="https://democracyinafrica.org/author/kjetil-tronvoll-mohamed-kheir-omer/"><span style="color: blue;">Kjetil Tronvoll & Mohamed Kheir Omer</span></a> <a href="https://democracyinafrica.org/do-sanctions-work-the-case-of-eritrea-says-no/"><span style="color: blue;">2 Years Ago</span></a></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><a href="https://democracyinafrica.org/do-sanctions-work-the-case-of-eritrea-says-no/#comments"><span face=""var(--single-meta-family)",serif" style="color: blue;">1</span></a></span><span face=""var(--single-meta-family)",serif" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">13 Mins</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Eritrea has lived under United Nations economic sanctions for more than
ten years without any notable impact on its politics or economy. Due to its
covert economic operations and owing to weak and ineffective enforcement,
Eritrea evaded the objective of the sanctions. A new unilateral sanction regime
was recently re-imposed by the United States on the belligerent Horn of Africa
nation – will the impact be different this time around? <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><a href="https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0478"><span style="color: royalblue;">The U.S. Treasury imposed economic sanctions</span></a> in November
2021 on the Eritrean ruling party, the armed forces, and a slew of Eritrean
businesses, institutions, and individuals. The measure was in response to the
growing humanitarian and human rights crisis in Tigray, Ethiopia, where the
Eritrean armed forces reportedly committed widespread atrocities, which may
amount to war crimes, according to the <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/ET/OHCHR-EHRC-Tigray-Report.pdf"><span style="color: royalblue;">Ethiopian Human Rights Commission and UN</span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">In August last year, the <a href="https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0329"><span style="color: royalblue;">U.S. Treasury sanctioned the Eritrean army’s chief of
staff</span></a>, General Filipos Woldeyohannes, for the same reasons. Those sanctions
were preceded by <a href="https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/PDF/?uri=OJ:L:2021:099I:FULL&from=EN"><span style="color: royalblue;">E.U. sanctions on Eritrea’s National Security Office</span></a> in
March 2021. Thus, Eritrea and its officials have joined <a href="https://home.treasury.gov/policy-issues/financial-sanctions/sanctions-programs-and-country-information/where-is-ofacs-country-list-what-countries-do-i-need-to-worry-about-in-terms-of-us-sanctions"><span style="color: royalblue;">the club of more than two dozen countries</span></a> and
more than 6,000 companies, individuals, and groups sanctioned by the US. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">But will they work?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Old or new sanctions, the same sins</span></b><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The new sanction regime on Eritrea comes only three years after the UN
Security Council lifted the old sanctions. The Eritrean regime has been at war
with its neighbours since it declared independence in 1993, after a 30-year
war of liberation from Ethiopia. After conflicts with Sudan, Yemen,
Ethiopia, and Djibouti during its first decade as an independent nation,
President Isaias Afwerki turned his eyes on Somalia and reportedly started to
support the Islamic rebel group Al Shabaab around 2007.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Hence, <a href="https://www.un.org/press/en/2009/sc9833.doc.htm"><span style="color: royalblue;">the UN Security Council</span></a> imposed an arms
embargo on the Isaias regime in 2009, as well as travel and economic sanctions,
for its links to Al Shabaab and for refusing to withdraw its troops from a
disputed territory, namely Djibouti. The core criticism of Eritrea at the time
was that its aggressive foreign policy had destabilised the fragile political
context in the Horn of Africa.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">In 2018, Ethiopia’s new Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed, helped the regime in
Asmara emerge from isolation and picked up a Nobel prize along the way when he
signed a peace agreement with Eritrea in 2018. Subsequently, Ethiopia employed
its leverage to help <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-46193273"><span style="color: royalblue;">lift
all the sanctions</span></a> imposed on Eritrea.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">It soon became clear, however, that this rapprochement was not intended
to ensure long-term peace but was rather a ploy by Isaias Afwerki to once
again go to war against his arch-enemy, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front
(TPLF), this time with the support from the Ethiopian government itself.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Why sanctions failed</span></b><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The <a href="https://bti-project.org/en/reports/country-report/ERI"><span style="color: royalblue;">informal and clandestine nature</span></a> of the
Eritrean government’s businesses and money-laundering operations makes them
difficult to target with a formal sanction regime. Eritrea runs a vast and
complex informal economy through which senior officials in the government and
the ruling People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) party <a href="https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full_Report_1869.pdf"><span style="color: royalblue;">collect and control</span></a> hundreds of
millions of dollars each year in unofficial revenue streams, mainly from
(partly coerced) taxation of <a href="https://academic.oup.com/afraf/article/114/454/115/2195155"><span style="color: royalblue;">Eritreans in the diaspora</span></a> and private
business arrangements involving PFDJ-run companies or business partnerships
abroad.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Some of these enterprises, which are owned by government-controlled
conglomerates, such as engineering and construction companies, operate
abroad. As a consequence, Eritrean government-owned revenue is “deposited” with
a new class of Eritrean diaspora millionaires in South Sudan, Kenya, Uganda,
and Angola, who are closely linked to military officials at home. The regime
also runs small businesses across the world, including money transfers, bars,
and restaurants, that operate simultaneously as instruments of surveillance of
Eritreans abroad.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The Red Sea Corporation, one of these government-owned conglomerates,
has been named <a href="https://charityandsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Transcript-HFAC-Impact-of-Sanctions-in-Africa-Hrg-2021.pdf"><span style="color: royalblue;">an octopus entity</span></a> involved in multiple
sectors that serve the ruling elite’s interests. The Red Sea Corporation also
allegedly exports illicit gold and large quantities of alcoholic beverages to
Sudan through individual trading networks.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The Eritrean government is moreover experienced in manipulating regional
currency differences, a craft they <a href="https://boydellandbrewer.com/9780852558546/brothers-at-war/"><span style="color: royalblue;">developed during the early 1990s</span></a> when
they siphoned off millions of dollars from Ethiopia by using a different
exchange rate to the Ethiopian currency in Eritrea than that officially set by
the Ethiopian National Bank (ENB).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">General Tsadkan, one of the leaders of Tigray Defence Forces, claimed in
a <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ylXWq1wwBCI&t=189s"><span style="color: royalblue;">recent interview</span></a> that the Eritrean
regime has more than 20 official foreign exchange bureaus in Ethiopia today –
replicating their strategy from the 1990s – which they use to make a profit
while laundering the state’s foreign currency – an accusation supported
off-the-record by international diplomats<b>.</b> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Taken together, these covert operations, the manipulation of the
informal economy, ineffective implementation, and the use of international
partners to facilitate revenue flows outside formal channels enabled Eritrea
to survive the decade-long UN sanctions. In doing so, they have consistently
relied on trusted “partners in crime.” First, <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/libya-africa-idAFLDE72717K20110308"><span style="color: royalblue;">Libya</span></a> was such a trusted partner under
President Gaddafi; after his fall, Eritrea engaged the Gulf countries, notably <a href="https://www.tesfanews.net/emir-qatar-state-visit-eritrea/"><span style="color: royalblue;">Qatar</span></a> and <a href="https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/eritrea-iran-foreign-relations"><span style="color: royalblue;">Iran</span></a>, before <a href="https://www.newsweek.com/qatar-crisis-eritrea-saudi-arabia-625356"><span style="color: royalblue;">shifting focus to Saudi Arabia</span></a> and
the <a href="https://www.janes.com/defence-news/news-detail/uae-withdraws-forces-from-eritrea-base"><span style="color: royalblue;">UAE</span></a> in 2016.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">What could be done to make sanctions effective?</span></b><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The effectiveness of sanctions – and how to make them effective – is
disputed.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><a href="https://www.npr.org/2018/12/14/676652881/looking-at-the-impact-of-u-s-sanctions-against-other-countries"><span style="color: royalblue;">Experts indicate</span></a> that for US sanctions
to be effective, they need to be specific and to <a href="https://charityandsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Transcript-HFAC-Impact-of-Sanctions-in-Africa-Hrg-2021.pdf"><span style="color: royalblue;">identify and target sources of revenue</span></a> that
keep the regime afloat and key players who control the funding. It helps also
if those entities sanctioned have strong economic ties to the US, which makes
it possible to go after the money directly.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">For the sanctions on Eritrea to be effective, they must thus hit the
economic nerve centre of the regime surgically and unveil its covert money
laundering operations in Africa and the West. It may thus take considerable
time and effort to be able to identify the appropriate business enterprises and
individuals responsible.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">For symbolic reasons, an effective strategy would probably also need to
name and target President Isaias Afwerki in person and his main functionaries.
Furthermore, all Eritrean ambassadors and consuls would need to be sanctioned
for two reasons: first, they are vested with the responsibility to oversee the
illegal activities in the countries they are accredited to, and secondly, it
sends a strong signal to host governments that they harbor sanctioned
diplomats.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">To work, the sanctions would also need to target the primary known
revenue sources of the Eritrean government, such as Bisha gold mine and the new
Potash Colloli development and the foreign companies involved in those
projects. All countries that help facilitate revenue streams, particularly Saudi
Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, would need to be warned, and the illegal
trade with Sudan and Ethiopia would need to be monitored.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">To date, the U.S. imposed sanctions on Eritrea have not forced the
Eritrea government to stop meddling in Ethiopian affairs, and it seems unlikely
that they will do so in the future. In a <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0qaGpf0HsoQ&t=7268s"><span style="color: royalblue;">recent interview</span></a> with the local government,
the Eritrean president described the sanctions as ‘unjust and unfair’ and argued that it was imposed by special “interest groups” in the USA.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Isaias admitted that the sanctions hurt but added that they made
Eritrea even more resilient.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The U.S. has suspended development aid to Ethiopia, as well as the <a href="https://agoa.info/news/article/15923-us-to-suspend-ethiopia-guinea-and-mali-from-agoa-in-60-days.html"><span style="color: royalblue;">country’s status under AGOA</span></a>, due to the
atrocities that its troops have committed during the conflict in Tigray.
However, Washington has yet to activate direct sanctions under the <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/09/17/executive-order-on-imposing-sanctions-on-certain-persons-with-respect-to-the-humanitarian-and-human-rights-crisis-in-ethiopia/"><span style="color: royalblue;">Executive Order sanctions regime</span></a>, although
Ethiopia has been warned about such possibilities.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">So far, however, neither international criticism, nor the recent
warnings, have persuaded the Ethiopian government to stop its <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/1/8/dozens-killed-in-ethiopian-air-strike-on-idp-camp-in-tigray"><span style="color: royalblue;">aerial bombardment</span></a> of targets in Tigray
– or to allow humanitarian assistance to its famine-stricken population. Thus,
sanctions or no sanctions, the most important net result is likely to remain
the same: the humanitarian disaster in Ethiopia will continue.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><i><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Kjetil Tronvoll (@kjetil.tronvoll), Professor (of peace and conflict
studies), Oslo New University College</span></i><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 18pt; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><i><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Dr Mohamed Kheir Omer (@mkheirom), African-Norwegian writer with
interest in the Horn of Africa, based in Norway </span></i><span face=""var(--single-content-family)",serif" style="color: #404040; font-size: 12pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p><br /><p></p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-6024745570881628242023-08-22T05:39:00.003-07:002023-08-24T05:01:44.044-07:00 الصورة الشخصية: إسياس أفورقي، الرجل والديكتاتور<p style="text-align: right;"> </p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br />
</span></b><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">الصورة الشخصية: إسياس أفورقي،
الرجل والديكتاتور</span></b><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>*بقلم: فيصل علي ومحمد خير عمر<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">تاريخ: 11 أبريل 2022<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">ترجمة مقال للعربية <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"><a href="https://democracyinafrica.org/a-portrait-isaias-afworki-the-man-the-dictator/">A Portrait: Isaias Afwerki, The Man & The Dictator | Democracy in Africa</a></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">بعد سلسلة من المقابلات مع زملاء
سابقين، يُحاول هذا المقال تقديم ملامح زعيم أفريقيا الأكثر انغلاقًا واستبدادًا.
على الرغم من استمراره بنجاح على رأس الحكم لثلاثة عقود، إلا أن عدم استعداده
للتغيير أصبح الآن يضر ببلاده وجيرانه.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">إسياس أفورقي لم يواجه أبدًا
انتخابات خلال الثلاثة عقود التي قاد فيها بلاده. ويميل إلى عدم توضيح سبب ذلك
بشكل كامل. لا يمكن لإسياس تحمل أن يحصل على تفويض من الشعب حيث سيحد من صلاحياته.
يعتقد أن قيادته ضرورية لحماية نزاهة الجمهورية الشابة التي يعتقد أنه قادها نحو
الاستقلال. إنه لا يقوم بذلك من أجل المتعة أو المجد، كما أوضح في مقابلة شخصية
نادرة في عام 1996. قال إسياس إنه "يكره" السياسة، لكنه يعتبرها
"واجبًا" مقدسًا. "كلما انعدم العدل في المجتمع، يكون ذلك مؤلمًا
للغاية"، كما قال.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">وأوضح أن هذا الواجب جاء على حساب
تضحيات شخصية هائلة، مما أضطره لتجاهل شؤونه الشخصية والفنية والأدبية ليقود
بلاده. واستمر: "أنا لا أحب حياة السياسي، ولا أحب حتى أن أعيش مثل
الرئيس". وبناءً على مشاعره هذه، لا يُفاجأ أحد من الفهم العام للمتطلبات
المترتبة على هذه المناصب، أنه لا يمارس السياسة، ولا يعيش حياة رئيس عادي. وفي سن
الـ62، أخبر إسياس أحد أعضاء البرلمان الألماني الذي قام بزيارته في أواخر عام
2008 أنه بصحة جيدة ويتوقع أن يعيش لمدة تصل إلى 40 أو 50 عامًا، وخلال هذه الفترة
يأمل في أن يستمر في قيادة بلاده.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">الفكرة المجردة من أنه يحتاج إلى
تفويض من الشعب الإريتري أثارت دهشته عندما طرح عليه أحد الصحفيين سؤالًا حول موعد
إجراء الانتخابات في البلاد. "أي انتخابات؟" رد إسياس بطريقة جارحة
وعدائية قبل أن ينطلق في هجوم غير متعلق بالموضوع ضد الولايات المتحدة. "سنرى
ما ستجلبه الانتخابات في الولايات المتحدة، وسننتظر حوالي ثلاثة أو أربعة عقود حتى
نرى ظهور حالات طبيعية حقيقية." وأضاف بصوت جاد بطريقة مرعبة "ربما
أكثر، ربما أكثر، من يعلم.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">أسلوبه في التعامل مع وسائل
الإعلام - يتراوح بين الانعزالية الحذرة والتعامل العدواني - يتجلى من خلال سياسة
بلاده الخارجية. شهدت بلاده إشكالات صعبة في الجيوسياسية الإقليمية، حيث دخلت
في حروب مباشرة مع جميع جيرانها (واليمن) ومددت نفوذها حتى إلى الكونغو، حيث ساعدت
القوات الإريترية في قدوم لوران كابيلا إلى الحكم في عام 1997. شجاره الذي دام
ثلاثة عقود مع جبهة تحرير شعب تقراي (</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">TPLF</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>) جعله من بين المهندسين لحرب إثيوبيا
مع المنظمة في تقراي. أعادت الولايات المتحدة فرض العقوبات على البلاد بسبب دورها
في حرب إثيوبيا، حيث تتهم القوات الإريترية بارتكاب انتهاكات جسيمة لحقوق الإنسان
وجرائم الحرب، مما أنهى فترة أربع سنوات فقط خالية من العقوبات عن إريتريا
منذ 2009.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">كصديقه القديم القذافي، يتباهى
إسياس بالعلامة التجارية المناهضة للأمريكيين التي طورها الآن، على الرغم من أنه
دعم في وقت سابق حرب الولايات المتحدة في العراق واقترح تقديم قاعدة لها لضرب
العراق من اريتريا. في وقتٍ لاحق، ضمن موقفه بين ناديٍ الدول المعزولة من الغرب،
بما في ذلك إيران وكوريا الشمالية وروسيا وسوريا، عندما صوتت إريتريا ضد قرار
للجمعية العامة للأمم المتحدة يدين غزو روسيا لأوكرانيا. لم تفاجئ هذه الخطوة
مراقبي إريتريا، حيث قام وزير خارجيتها بزيارة جنوب أوسيتيا والقرم بعد احتلال
روسيا لكلتا الإقليمين.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">ولكن في نهاية المطاف، لم تكن
إريتريا كبيرة بما يكفي لطموحات إسياس ، وكان دائماً معزولاً جداً للتعامل مع
الهيئات التي قد تحد من تأثيره. عندما حضر أول قمة قارية له في عام 1993 مع سلف
الاتحاد الأفريقي، منظمة الوحدة الأفريقية، اعتبر الاتحاد الأفريقي أداة للهيمنة
الأمريكية - مطلقاً عليها الفشل الذريع. انضمت إريتريا فقط "بروح التزام
عائلي". كان ينظر إلى هيئة شرق أفريقيا الإقليمية </span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">IGAD</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> بحقد مماثل. كما عمل مع القذافي، حليف قديم له، لتشكيل هيئة
بديلة للاتحاد الأفريقي تسمى جماعة دول الساحل والصحراء في عام 1998 بدون جدوى.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"> <b>الحياة المبكرة وأعوام
حرب التحرير</b><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">قلة قليلة جدًا من الناس مثل
إسياس كانو مقاومين للتغيير على مدار حياتهم، على الرغم من التغييرات الكبيرة في
أقدارهم، كان دائماً مشهوراً بالقسوة والغضب والسرية وعدم الرغبة في التساهل مع أي
معارضة. خلق التاريخ وعاش من خلاله، خان وتم خيانته، وصنع وحطم حياة الناس بنفس
الطريقة التي كان يتصرف بها عندما كان شابًا ثائرًا، وفقًا لزملائه السابقين الذين
قابلناهم. "الرؤية العاطفية المرهقة"، قال في مقابلته عام 1996، "
عندما تفقد كثير من الزملاء بمرور الوقت، تفقد الاحساس." "ثم تسأل نفسك،
ألست إنسانًا؟"<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">الصحفي الأمريكي روبرت كابلان
التقى إسياس لأول مرة في منتصف الثمانينيات أثناء أيام استقلال إريتريا الحماسية.
كانت شارب إسياس، التي تم قصها بشكل مثالي حينها وحتى الآن، تتوسط فوق فمه، الذي
عندما يكون مفتوحاً في الأماكن العامة يعطي، حسب قول كابلان، "نمطًا باردًا
وسلطويًا للكلام". في كتابه "الاستسلام أو الموت جوعاً"، لاحظ
كابلان أن إسياس "تأثر بطابع عسكري"، وعندما يضع هدفًا أمام عينيه، فإنه
يظهر عندها عنادًا صلبًا ولامبالاة بكيفية تحقيق أهدافه. هذا الصفة التي ستخدمه
وتضره خلال حياته السياسية المضطربة.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">ولد إسياس في عام 1946 في أسمرا
تحت الحكم البريطاني، وهو الثاني من ثمانية أشقاء. لم يكن من النوع الذي يقبل بالمركز
الثاني، ووفقًا للأشخاص الذين نشأوا معه، كانت هذه الصفة جزءًا حاسمًا من شخصيته
منذ الطفولة. أراد أن يكون قائدًا لفرق كرة القدم في حيه، وكان يصر دائمًا على
الجلوس في أفضل مقعد متاح في المنزل. قام بصفع مدرس فيزياء أمريكي في المدرسة
الثانوية لأنه أعطاه درجة سيئة. ولكن إسياس أصبح مشهورًا في حرب
التحرير الإريترية.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">على عكس معظم زملائه الذين انضموا
إلى النضال المسلح وهم يواصلون دراساتهم الجامعية بنجاح، انضم إسياس لأول مرة إلى
حركة استقلال إريتريا مع جبهة التحرير الاريترية ، بعد رسوبه في امتحانات الفصل
الاول بجامعة هايلي سيلاسي. قد يفسر هذا العامل إلى حد ما شعور إسياس بالنقص تجاه
زملائه (الذي قضى عليهم بالتدريج). يعتقد كابلان أن إسياس كان "أكثر
السياسيين إثارة للاهتمام فكريًا في تاريخ أفريقيا ما بعد الاستعمار". أشاد
كلينتون بالمثل به بأنه "زعيم إفريقي عصري". على الرغم من أنه يشرف
سنويًا على حفلات تخرج الدفعات الطلابية العسكرية في ساوا ، إلا أنه لم يحضر أبدًا
حفل تخرج في الجامعة.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">عندما علما ميكئل قابر والذي كان
عضو في خلية جبهة التحرير الاريترية مع إسياس في أديس أبابا، عندما علما بأن إسياس
التحق بجبهة التحرير الإريترية كان يخشى أن يشكل إسياس مركز قوة خاص به في التنظيم
وينشق. ووفقًا لهيلي دروع، انضم إسياس وهو نفسه إلى جبهة التحرير الإريترية، لشق
الجبهة وخلق تنظيم خاص بهم. في حين لم يكن ميكئل قابر مخطئًا بشأن نوايا إسياس،
طموح إسياس لم يكن ان يقبل أن يكون مجرد عضوا في قيادة جبهة التحرير الإريترية.
كان يحتاج الي تنظيم خاص به تكون له فيه سلطة مطلقة. بعد عودته من الصين، حيث
أرسلته الجبهة للتدريب العسكري والايديولوجي خلال الثورة الثقافية المشهورة ، كانت
عودة إسياس حاسمة لمستقبل حركة التحرير الإريترية. تشير مذكرات الدبلوماسية
الأمريكية أنه "انزعج من العبادة المحيطة بشخصية ماو" ولكنه أدرك الحاجة
للقضاء على الخصوم السياسيين، مما أدى به إلى قمة الثورة الإريترية.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">كانت التحدّي الأول لقيادته بعد
انشقاقه عن جبهة التحرير الإريترية في عام 1973 عندما دعا بعض زملائه وزملاء
الدراسة السابقين إلى العمل بالديمقراطية والمساءلة من القيادة. تم تسمية المنشقين
'منكاع’، وهو كلمة بالتقرينية تعني الخفاش (أي أولئك الذين يتحركون في الليل). تم
إعدام قادة هذه المجموعة وسجن آخرون لسنوات. أدت هذه التحديات إلى تشكيل جهاز أمني
سيئ السمعة ومخيف للغاية، يُعرف بـ 'حالوا ثورا'، وهي كلمة أخرى بالتقرينية تعني
'حماة الثورة. ثبت أن هذا الجهاز كان أداة حاسمة لإسياس لتوطيد قبضته على
الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير إريتريا ووريثها الجبهة الشعبية للديمقراطية والعدالة ،
التي اصبحا وجودها بالاسم فقط منذ عام 2001. نقل سفير الولايات المتحدة إلى
إريتريا عبارة زميله الصيني الذي قال إن إسياس "تعلم كل الأشياء
الخاطئة" خلال فترت إقامته في بلادهم. أصبح إسياس الناهي والأمر في التنظيم
حيث يتخذ كل القرارات ولم يكن هناك مجال لوجهات نظر بديلة.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">قال عند برهان ولد قورقيس، محافظ
البنك المركزي السابق ودبلوماسي إريتري، الذي أقاله الرئيس لرفضه أمرًا بنقل اموال
بطريقة غير مشروعة، إن "الاجواء اصبحت مشحونة بالتوتر" أثناء اجتماعهم.
كتب عند برهان: "أصبح إسياس غاضبًا ومضطربا لدرجة أن أوردة عنقه بدت على وشك
الانفجار".<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">كما أظهر عدم استعداده العصبي
لقبول أي شيء غير رأيه فعندما استضاف عشاءًا لمسؤولي السفارة الأمريكية في عام
2008، حيث شارك في مناقشة حامية حول الطماطم. اشتكى إسياس من أن بعض الطماطم التي
كانت تزرعها زوجته والتي اهداها لها المستشار القانوني للسفارة كانت صغيرة جدًا،
فأجاب المستشار قانوني بأن نوع الطماطم هي كرزية اليي في الاصل صغيرة الحجم.
غادرإسياس الغرفة على عجل، مفاجئًا حتى فريقه الأمني.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">يُشيد بعض المراقبين والمسؤولين
في الأمم المتحدة بسياسات إسياس في التنمية والاعتماد على الذات. يفخر نظام
إريتريا بتحقيق أهداف التنمية للألفية، خاصة في قطاع الصحة، مثل تقليل معدل وفيات
الأطفال الرضع وتحسين صحة الأمهات ومكافحة الأمراض مثل الملاريا وفيروس نقص
المناعة البشرية (</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">HIV</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>). في رد إريتريا على الاستعراض الدوري الشامل لمجلس حقوق الإنسان
التابع للأمم المتحدة لعام 2014، أكدت الحكومة أن أولوياتها الوطنية الرئيسية هي
خلق بيئة مناسبة وتعزيزها للمواطنين لممارسة حقوقهم الأساسية في "أوسع تعريف
للمصطلح". ولكن الاتحاد الأوروبي يشير إلى أن البلاد تواجه تحديات كبيرة في
ضمان الأمن الغذائي وتوفير وتحديث الخدمات الاجتماعية الأساسية ومكافحة البطالة
بين الشباب. وفيما يتعلق بالخدمات الصحية في البلاد، يجدر بالذكر أن إريتريا هي
الدولة الوحيدة في إفريقيا التي رفضت توفير لقاحات كوفيد-19 لسكانها دون أي تفسير.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">الإريتريون الذين نتحدث إليهم
داخل إريتريا، والزوار الأخيرين للبلاد، يرسمون صورة مظلمة. هناك نقص حاد في
الأدوية الأساسية. على الرغم من الحاجة إلى الخدمات الصحية، أغلقت الحكومة 22
عيادة صحية تديرها الكنيسة الكاثوليكية الإريترية في عام 2019 بسبب انتقادات
الكنيسة للحكومة. الأطباء الذين يتقاضون أجوراً منخفضة لا يُسمح لهم باستخدام
العيادات الخاصة بعد ساعات العمل الحكومي، مما يرفع الضغط على الخدمات في
المستشفيات. الدكتور فظوم قبر نقوس ، الطبيب النفسي الوحيد في إريتريا في بلد
مضطرب نفسياً، يقبع في السجن منذ عام 2004 بسبب آرائه الدينية ومكان وجوده لا يزال
مجهول.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">يفخر إسياس بالاعتماد على الذات،
لكن البلاد لا تنشر معلومات عن القروض والمساعدات التنموية. لم تنشر إريتريا أي
ميزانية منذ استقلالها. في إريتريا، كل شيء سري، لكن الدائنين شفافين. اقترضت
إريتريا 631 مليون دولار أمريكي من الصين من عام 2000 إلى 2018. تشير بيانات البنك
الدولي إلى أن إريتريا تلقت 4.36 مليار دولار أمريكي كمساعدات تنموية رسمية صافية
ومساعدات رسمية من عام 1992 إلى 2019. أصدرت محكمة إفلاس أمريكية حكماً يقضي بدفع
إريتريا 286 مليون دولار كقروض لبنك قطر الوطني (</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">QNB</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>). يمكن للبنك البحث في أي مكان يمكن أن يكون فيه لدى الحكومة أصول
واستردادها لتلبية دينها. على الرغم من أن إريتريا قد أخذت خطوات بسيطة في الاتجاه
الصحيح في مجال الصحة، إلا أن سلبيات هيكل الحكم في البلاد قد عرقلت تحقيق تقدم
أكثر.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">“<b>عند إسياس، توقف الزمن"</b><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"> لقد شاركت إريتريا في حروب
هجومية ودفاعية مع جيرانها واحتضنت شعوراً بالكراهية تجاههم. لقد كانت ضحية
لمؤامرات دولية وارتكبت لمؤامرات محكمة. لقد سَلحَّت وواجهت مجموعات المتمردين.
لقد تم التشكيك في حدودها وقد شككت في حدود جيرانها. لم تظهر هذه الديناميكيات
بشكل أكثر حدة من العلاقة المضطربة التي جرت بين إسياس وأصدقائه القدامى في
إثيوبيا.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">يُزعَم أن إسياس ورئيس الوزراء
الإثيوبي السابق ميلس زيناوي عاشا معاً في شمال مقديشو، حيث تم تزويدهما بجوازات
سفر صومالية وبرنامج إذاعي للبث باللغتين التقرينية والعربية. وقد قاما
في النهاية بإنهاء حكم الرئيس منقستو هايلي مريم. وتثبيت نظام جديد. كانت هذ إنجازا
لافتاً. "كأن الشيوعية السوفيتية قد أطيحت ليس على يد الروس بل على يد
الأوكرانيين، وأن الأوكرانيين قد استولوا على السلطة في موسكو “،كما جاء في رسالة
إلى مجلة نيويوركر.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">كان إسياس وملس على علاقة جيدة
مباشرة بعد استقلال إريتريا، وفقًا لمسؤول إريتري كبير. عملا معًا للتأثير على
الصومال من خلال دعم السيد فرح عيديد بعد سقوط الرئيس سياد بري. ومع ذلك، كان ملس
غير مرتاح دائمًا بشأن علاقته بإ سياس، الذي يعتبره عادة شخصًا قاسيًا
وعصبيًا. ظهرت شكوك إسياس عندما اعتقد أن زيناوي حاول قتله عندما عرض عليه
واسرته والذين كانو يتواجدون في اديس بعد عودة من رحلة خاصة طائرة تنقلهم الي
اسمرة في عام 1996، حيث اندلعت النيران في الطائرة بعد الإقلاع ولكن
هبطت بأمان. إسياس نادرًا ما ينسى ولا يميل إلى العفو ، كما حدث في حالة وزير
الإعلام السابق نايذقي كفلو، الذي كان حليفًا وثيقًا لإسياس ثم غادر البلاد للحصول
على مساعدة طبية في لندن وتم رفض دفنه في إريتريا على الرقم من طلبات اسرته
المتكررة.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"> ومع ذلك، مع ملس، كانت
المخاطر أعلى والعداء أعمق. اتجهت هذه الديناميكية إلى منعطف قاتل عندما اندلع
نزاع حدودي في حرب شاملة في عام 1998، مؤكدًا مخاوف إسياس حول جاره الكبير. عندما
قال إسياس إن الظلم "يثير غضبه"، لم يكن يمازح، لكن استجاباته المتوقعة
كانت العنف والصمت. لسبب وجيه، كان غاضبًا عندما حكمت محكمة العدل الدولية ان قرية
بادمي، بلدة صغيرة على الحدود المشتركة تتبع لإريتريا، ولكن رفضت إثيوبيا التخلي
عنها والمجتمع الدولي لم يفعل شيء مما أدى إلى تصاعد التوتر بين قادة البلدين.
أعطى النزاع الحدودي غير المحلول إسياس مبررًا لخلق فراغ سياسي داخلياً، ووضع
بلاده على حالة تأهب دائم للحرب، . لم يقبل الذل من الهزيمة في عام2000 مرة
أخرى وبدأ في الانتظار حتى يمكنه تسوية الحسابات مع عدوه اللدود الجبهة الشعبية
لتحرير تقراي.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">أثارت حالة إسياس من عدم العدالة
انزعاجه بشكل أكبر عندما تم توجيه عقوبات خاصة له بسبب دعمه للجماعات في جميع
أنحاء المنطقة (بما في ذلك دعمه المزعوم لجماعة الشباب). تجنبت إثيوبيا التي كانت
تسيطر عليها الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير تقراي تلك العقوبات بالرغم من انها كانت تعمل
مثل إريتريا. لقد تفاعلت إثيوبيا مع المجتمع الدولي، بينما إريتريا قالت إنها لم
ترتكب أي خطأ وانطوت على نفسها. "تحدي النظام الإرتري مجلس الأمن التابع
للأمم المتحدة بشكل افتراضي عندما أصر على الإنكار الشامل"، لاحظ عندبرهان
ولد قرقيس ، الرئيس السابق لبنك إريتريا وسفيرها للاتحاد الأوروبي بعد ذلك، في
كتابه. يعتبر هذا الإصرار على الإنكار علامة مميزة لشخصية إسياس ونظامه.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">في عام 2012، توفي رئيس الوزراء
ملس زيناوي، خصم إسياس اللدود. شهدت الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير تقراي تقلص سلطتها في
السياسة الإثيوبية ، واستمر ذلك حتى تولى رئيس الوزراء آبي أحمد المهمة ووضع نفسه
مهمة تفكيك الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير تقراي وشبكاتها في الدولة الإثيوبية. عمومًا،
احتقر قادة حزب تقراي الإدارة الجديدة لآبي، حيث وصف رئيس الحزب دبرظيون جبري ميكائيل
رئيس الوزراء الجديد بأنه "غير ناضج". رأى إسياس فرصة للخروج من عزلته
في مد وجزر السياسة الإثيوبية واحتضن رئيس الوزراء الشاب معه والذي وقعا اتفاقية
سلام، وتفاصيلها لا تزال غامضة، مما جعل آبي يحصل على جائزة نوبل للسلام.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">إسياس ماكِرٌ ماهِرٌ وعازِمٌ على
البقاء، وبحلول عام 2018، ظهر كأكبر رجل سياسي في شرق إفريقيا. وقد توفي زيناوي،
وجاء ورحل قادة إثيوبيا وكينيا، وانهارت الصومال وانقسم السودان ورحل زعيمه عمر
البشير. ولكن إسياس بقي، ولم يغير كثيراً في حكومته. ووفقًا لمحلل واحد، يبحث
القادة الإقليميون اليوم عن نصيحته، معجبين بطول عمره المذهل على الرغم من عزلته.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">تماما كما استهزأ بجبهة التحرير
الإرترية عندما هزمهم خلال حرب الاستقلال، لم يكن الفوز مجرد كافٍ ضد جبهة تحرير
شعب تقراي. كان عليه أن يفرح بالنصر. في اليوم السابق لبدء أحمد حملته ضد جبهة
تحرير شعب تقراي بدعم من إسياس في نوفمبر 2020، نشرت السفارة الإريترية في أديس
أبابا على صفحتها في الفيسبوك، عبارة : "انتهت اللعبة."<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">لم تكن الاختلافات بين إسياس
وجبهة تحرير شعب تقراي مجرد شخصية. اختلف إسياس بشدة مع طريقة إعادة تنظيم
الدولة الإثيوبية التي قام بها ملس زيناوي. كان إسياس يعتقد دائما
أن العرقية والطائفية الدينية هي نقمة، ورفض حزبه هذه المذهبية
في وقت سابق بكثير. بالنسبة له، من الأصعب التأثير أو التلاعب بدولة فيدرالية
مقارنة بدولة مركزية. لم يتحدث أبدا عن خلفيته العرقية التقراوية ولم يجعلها وسيلة
لنمط سياساته. ومع ذلك، كان وجود الفيدرالية في إثيوبيا تهديد لنظامه المركزي في
إرتريا.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">وعندما يتحدث عن هذا التهديد
وتحتل القوات الإريترية أجزاء من منطقة تقراي في إثيوبيا، من الصعب ألا نتأمل في
آخر مرة وجد فيها إسياس نفسه في دور مماثل كلاعب اثاثي لإثيوبيا قبل ثلاثة
عقود كاملة كمتمرد شاب. عمل على تقويض مجموعة متمردة وتشكيل مجموعة أخرى. هذه
المجموعة المتمردة أطاحت بأحد أقوى حكومات إفريقيا وفصلت نفسها عنها، وأنشأت دولة
ومجتمع جديدين. في حين يكافح الكثيرون للتخلص من ماضيهم والذي قيّدوا به بسبب
الظروف التي ورثوها، كان إسياس دائمًا زعيمًا يلعب برهانات عالية ويحتاج إلى النظر
إلى المستقبل. كان خطأه الكبير، بكثير من النواحي، ليس أنه كان مقيدًا بماضيه؛ بل
أنه قيد نفسه به وجذبه إلى الحاضر مثل كرة مدمرة.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">* فيصل علي (@</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">fromadic92</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>) صحفي متعدد الوسائط مقره في اسطنبول. يكتب عن ثقافات
وسياسات شرق إفريقيا. يعمل حاليا صحفي في الغارديان البريطانية<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">محمد خير عمر (@</span><span dir="LTR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">mkheirom</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>)باحث وكاتب مقره في اوسلو بالنرويج وعضو سابق في جبهة التحرير
الإرترية<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="text-align: right;">
</p><p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span dir="LTR" style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5785853828193639339.post-69685104450344876192023-08-19T12:32:00.015-07:002024-03-13T07:55:19.406-07:00Mohamed Kheir Omer Interviews with local and International Media <p> <b>My interviews with SBS Tigrinya:</b></p><p>1. <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/language/tigrinya/ti/podcast-episode/the-current-political-condition-of-the-horn-of-africa-coversation-with-dr-mohammed-khier-omer/wpd8ebwqo?fbclid=IwAR1jpV0GCTXkyThEwUrsQcrzFuwWCUTnfTWzOFSmbSYvZP3GTXhH043w80I">https://www.sbs.com.au/language/tigrinya/ti/podcast-episode/the-current-political-condition-of-the-horn-of-africa-coversation-with-dr-mohammed-khier-omer/wpd8ebwqo?</a> 24 Aug. 2023</p><p>2. <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/language/tigrinya/en/podcast-episode/interview-with-dr-mohamed-kheir-omer-negash-asfaha-jelal-yasin/3sl8dk6yv">https://www.sbs.com.au/language/tigrinya/en/podcast-episode/interview-with-dr-mohamed-kheir-omer-negash-asfaha-jelal-yasin/3sl8dk6yv</a></p><p>3. <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/language/tigrinya/ti/podcast-episode/interview-with-dr-mohamed-kheir-omer-on-current-political-situation-in-ethiopia/qi8qxh4vx">https://www.sbs.com.au/language/tigrinya/ti/podcast-episode/interview-with-dr-mohamed-kheir-omer-on-current-political-situation-in-ethiopia/qi8qxh4vx</a></p><p>4. <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/language/tigrinya/ti/podcast-episode/conversation-with-the-writer-of-the-dynamics-of-unfinished-african-dreams-dr-mohamed-kheir/3tn8pwj9n">https://www.sbs.com.au/language/tigrinya/ti/podcast-episode/conversation-with-the-writer-of-the-dynamics-of-unfinished-african-dreams-dr-mohamed-kheir/3tn8pwj9n</a></p><p><b>Interviews with SBS Amharic:</b></p><p>1. Interview with SBS Amharic: democratic Ethiopia asset for Eritrea: <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/language/amharic/am/podcast-episode/interview-with-dr-mohamed-kheir-omer-pt-2/5u4bsygke">https://www.sbs.com.au/language/amharic/am/podcast-episode/interview-with-dr-mohamed-kheir-</a><a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/language/amharic/am/podcast-episode/interview-with-dr-mohamed-kheir-omer-pt-2/5u4bsygke">omer-pt-2/5u4bsygke</a></p><p>2. <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/language/amharic/am/podcast-episode/interview-with-dr-mohamed-kheir-omer-pt-1/b2cdjhjpj">https://www.sbs.com.au/language/amharic/am/podcast-episode/interview-with-dr-mohamed-kheir-omer-pt-1/b2cdjhjpj</a> “<span style="font-family: Ebrima;">የኤርትራ</span>
<span style="font-family: Ebrima;">ፌዴሬሽን</span> <span style="font-family: Ebrima;">በቀዳማዊ</span> <span style="font-family: Ebrima;">ኃይለ</span> <span style="font-family: Ebrima;">ሥላሴ</span> <span style="font-family: Ebrima;">ባይፈርስ</span> <span style="font-family: Ebrima;">ኖሮ፤</span> <span style="font-family: Ebrima;">የአሁኑ</span> <span style="font-family: Ebrima;">የኢትዮጵያና</span> <span style="font-family: Ebrima;">ኤርትራ</span> <span style="font-family: Ebrima;">ታሪክ</span> <span style="font-family: Ebrima;">የተለየ</span> <span style="font-family: Ebrima;">መልክ</span> <span style="font-family: Ebrima;">ሊኖረው</span> <span style="font-family: Ebrima;">ይችል</span> <span style="font-family: Ebrima;">ነበር</span>”</p><p>3. <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/language/amharic/am/podcast-episode/interview-with-dr-mohamed-kheir-omer-elf/14o457l1t">https://www.sbs.com.au/language/amharic/am/podcast-episode/interview-with-dr-mohamed-kheir-omer-elf/14o457l1t</a> From Student movement to Prosperity Party</p><p><b>With TVP International:</b></p><p>1. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GjEV_eANiiA">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GjEV_eANiiA</a> Niger coup: Why some people want Russia in and France out |
Mohamed Kheir Omer | TVP World</p><p>2. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Aa5q3P81fuU">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Aa5q3P81fuU</a> my take on what is going in Sudan</p><p>3. <a href="TVP: Sudan society’s diversity favors the emergence of conflicts: expert | TVP WorldTVP: Sudan society’s diversity favors the emergence of conflicts: expert | TVP World">TVP: Sudan society’s diversity favors the emergence of conflicts: expert | TVP WorldTVP: Sudan society’s diversity favors the emergence of conflicts: expert | TVP World</a> 18.04.2023</p><p>4. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-BAcQRzUgMo">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-BAcQRzUgMo</a> Niger: Reshaping the African political scene</p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></p><p><span style="font-size: x-small;">25 Aug. 2023</span></p><p><b>With TRT World:</b></p><p>1.<b> <a href="https://www.trtworld.com/video/tv-shows/how-much-influence-do-us-and-saudi-arabia-have-in-averting-crisis-in-sudan-13505955"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://www.trtworld.com/video/tv-shows/how-much-influence-do-us-and-saudi-arabia-have-in-averting-crisis-in-sudan-13505955</span></a></b></p><p><span style="font-size: x-small;">2<b>. </b><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1S8TUWqLlHM" style="font-weight: bold;">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1S8TUWqLlHM</a></span><b> </b>RSF leader Hemedti confirms 24-hour ceasefire in Sudan</p><p>3. My take on why ceasefires not holding in Sudan 8 May 2023: <a href="https://twitter.com/MariaRamosUK/status/1654497899026292738">https://twitter.com/MariaRamosUK/status/1654497899026292738</a></p><p>4. My take on the fighting going on in the Amhara region on 19 Aug 2023 from 3-9 mins: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v9ZAEIZNp3o">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v9ZAEIZNp3o</a></p><p><b>Interview with Pan-African Review</b></p><p>1. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o2YxQpwgfGg&t=4s">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o2YxQpwgfGg&t=4s</a> Jan 2024</p><p> <span style="background-color: white; color: #0f0f0f; font-family: Roboto, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: small;">The perils of ethnic politics and military brinkmanship</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></p><h1 class="style-scope ytd-watch-metadata" style="-webkit-box-orient: vertical; -webkit-line-clamp: 2; background: rgb(255, 255, 255); border: 0px; color: #0f0f0f; display: -webkit-box; font-family: "YouTube Sans", Roboto, sans-serif; line-height: 2.8rem; margin: 0px; max-height: 5.6rem; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; text-overflow: ellipsis; word-break: break-word;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="background-color: transparent;"> Interviews with ANews <span style="font-weight: normal;">on Tigray 1.Tigray </span></span></span><a href="https://www.facebook.com/anews/videos/605091190926722/" style="background-color: transparent; font-size: medium; font-weight: normal;">https://www.facebook.com/anews/video</a><a href="https://www.facebook.com/anews/videos/605091190926722/" style="background-color: transparent; font-size: medium; font-weight: normal;">s/605091190926722/</a><span style="background-color: transparent; font-size: medium; font-weight: normal;"> </span><span style="background-color: transparent; font-size: medium; font-weight: normal;">4 Nov</span><span style="background-color: transparent; font-size: medium; font-weight: normal;"> </span><span style="background-color: transparent; font-size: medium; font-weight: normal;">2021</span> </h1><p>2. On Tigray 21 July <a href="https://www.facebook.com/TigrayUpdate/videos/523733502085737/">https://www.facebook.com/TigrayUpdate/videos/523733502085737/</a></p><p>---------------------------</p><p>1. Yiakl Spotlight: <a href="https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1287522835037065216.html">https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1287522835037065216.html</a></p><p><br /></p><p><br /></p>Hedgaithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00656990353654016902noreply@blogger.com0