A digital archive on Eritrea and Ethiopia in particular and on the Horn of Africa, in general
Friday, 28 December 2018
Statement by the Chairman of the Moslem League of Eritrea (Ibrahim Sultan) at the 49th Meeting the Ad Hoc Political Committee of the United Nations
Statement by the Chairman of the Moslem League of Eritrea (Ibrahim Sultan) at the 49th Meeting the Ad Hoc Political Committee of the United Nations 21 November 1950
Wednesday, 26 December 2018
Rebels and Separatists in Ehiopia by Paul Henz 1985
Rebels and Separatists
in Ehiopia: Regional Resistance to a
Marxist Regime
by Paul Henze December 1985
Prepared for the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy
https://apps.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a168057.pdf
by Paul Henze December 1985
Prepared for the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy
https://apps.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a168057.pdf
Wednesday, 12 December 2018
Eritrean Police Report on Awate 1951
Eritrean Police Report on Awate 1951
http://www.mediafire.com/file/xfjsbx5ab9u93f5/Police+Report+on+Awate+14+aug+1951.pdf
Source: Courtesy of Halesellasie Woldu's book on Awate with 486 pages published in 2018 in Tigrinya and Tigrait
http://www.mediafire.com/file/xfjsbx5ab9u93f5/Police+Report+on+Awate+14+aug+1951.pdf
Source: Courtesy of Halesellasie Woldu's book on Awate with 486 pages published in 2018 in Tigrinya and Tigrait
Friday, 30 November 2018
a 2018 Book: Postliberation Eritrea
Postliberation Eritrea, a book by Tekle Mariam Woldemikael, Asefaw Bariagaber, Victoria
Bernal, David M. Bozzini, Amanda Poole, Jennifer Riggan, Gaim Kibreab, Dan
Connell, Georgia Cole, Magnus Treiber, Milena Belloni, and Michael Woldemariam, 2018
And can be read at the following link
https://iu.pressbooks.pub/postliberationeritrea/?fbclid=IwAR1_HCRfLlbyFomsYCactgtLOW8eX-M1Bc9iuDPVrY0Iw5SISAAB5wC1ttI
Thanks to Katharina Strehler for sharing
Chapters:
- - Introduction:
- - Globalization, Imitation Behavior, and Refugees from Eritrea
- - Civil Society and Cyberspace: Reflections on Dehai, Asmarino, and Awate
- - The Catch-22 of Resistance: Jokes and the Political Imagination of Eritrean Conscripts
- - Ransoms, Remittances, and Refugees: The Gatekeeper State in Eritrea
- - Imagining Emigration: Debating National Duty in Eritrean Classrooms
- - The Nexuses between Exit, Voice, and Loyalty in the Light of the Indefinite Eritrean National Service
- - Eritrean Refugees at Risk
- - The International Community's Role in Eritrea's Postliberation Phase of Exception
- - "Eritrea" in Switzerland's 2015 Election—A Missed Chance for Dialogue between Politics, Social Work, and Refugees
- - "Why don't you move onwards?": The Influence of Transnational Ties and Kinship Obligations on Eritrean Refugees' Feeling of Being Stuck in Italy
- - Making of an African "Pariah": Eritrea in the International System
- - Conclusion: Eritrea's State of Exception and its Broken Mirror
And can be read at the following link
https://iu.pressbooks.pub/postliberationeritrea/?fbclid=IwAR1_HCRfLlbyFomsYCactgtLOW8eX-M1Bc9iuDPVrY0Iw5SISAAB5wC1ttI
Thanks to Katharina Strehler for sharing
Saturday, 13 October 2018
When Arabs and Indians were recruited to work in Eritrea and Somaliland December 1934
When Arabs and Indians were recruited to work in Eritrea and Somaliland December 1934:
from online resources as part of the Qatar Digital Library's digital archive:
The file contains correspondence regarding the recruitment of labour from the Aden Settlement, the Aden Protectorate, and Yemen, for service in Italian Somaliland.
Following requests from the Italian Consul at Aden for an increased number of labourers to work in Italian Somaliland and Eritrea, the India Office, the Foreign Office and the Aden Chief Commissioner consider the options available to prevent the recruitment of British Subjects or Protected Persons for either the Italian or Ethiopian forces. Following communications with the King of Yemen it is agreed that Yemeni subjects should also be prevented from travelling from Aden ports for that purpose.
https://www.qdl.qa/en/archive/81055/vdc_100000000555.0x00001b?utm_source=testpdfdownload&utm_medium=pdf&utm_campaign=PDFdownload
http://www.mediafire.com/file/l54hc2z8p1u80qu/Recruitment+of+Arabs+and+Indians+to+serve+in+Italian+East+Africa.pdf
Monday, 1 October 2018
COMMERCIAL TRANSFORMATION AND URBAN DYNAMICS IN THE RED SEA PORT OF MASSAWA, 1840s -1900s
اسماءعائلات مصوع [الجزيرة] وأصولهم ، 1910
اسماءعائلات حرقيقو وحطملو وامكولو ، 1910
اسماء التجار المسلمين في مصوع ، 1901
اسماء تجار المنسوجات ، والجلود ، واللؤلؤ ، وأم اللؤلؤ في مصوع ، 1912
اسماء الأعيان المسلمون من مصوع (1880 1890)
اسماء عائلات السادة في مصوع ، 1860 1880
اسماء القضاة
Appendices of a 2004 PhD thesis by Jonathan Miran
"FACING THE LAND, FACING THE SEA: COMMERCIAL TRANSFORMATION AND URBAN DYNAMICS
IN THE RED SEA PORT OF MASSAWA,
1840s -1900s"
From the abstract:
This dissertation examines
the making of a complex Red Sea urban coastal society in Massawa (in present
day Eritrea) in the second half of the nineteenth century. As a centuries-old
port town Massawa's traditional role and raison
d'etre has been to mediate between multiple commercial spheres connecting
regions of the northeast African interior and beyond it with regions of the
Middle East and South Asia. My study examines how a particular new conjuncture
of political, economic, technological and migratory factors in the wider Red
Sea and western Indian Ocean area in the middle decades of the century
transformed Massawa. It re-organized the structure of its commercial
relationships, which, as a result, shaped the particular social and cultural
make-up of the port-town's inhabitants.
Appendices include:
- APPENDIX 1:
Massawa [Island] Families and Claimed Origins, 1910
- APPENDIX 2: Families of Hirgigo, Hitumlo, and
Omkullo, 1910
- APPENDIX 4: Muslim Merchants of Massawa,
1901
- APPENDIX
5: Textiles, Hides, Pearl and Mother of Pearl merchants in Massawa, 1912
- APPENDIX 6: Muslim Notables (a'yin)
of Massawa(1880s-1890s)
- APPENDIX
7: Sadah (Sayyid) Families in
Massawa, 1860s-1880s
- APPENDIX 8: The al-Ghul Family
- APPENDIX
9: The Family of 'Ubayd Ahmad Ba Hubayshi
- APPENDIX 10:
Pedigree (nisbah) of
the Hayuti Family
- APPENDIX
11: The 'Abbasi Family
- APPENDIX
12: The Nahari Family
- APPENDIX 13: The Safi Family
- APPENDIX 13: The Safi Family
- APPENDIX 14: The Ba Tuq Family
- APPENDIX 15: Sample of Marriage Linkages
among Families in Massawa, c. 1850s l950s
- APPENDIX 16: Main Line of Descent
of the 'Ad Shaykh Family (Semhar and Sahel, excluding Barka)
- APPENDIX 17: The Khatmiyya tariqa in Eritrea
- APPENDIX 18: Mosques of the Massawa Conurbation
- APPENDIX
19: Qadis and Muftis ofMassawa, c. 1603-1960s.
- APPENDIX 20:
Demographic Figures for the Massawa Conurbation, 1886 and 1910
- APPENDIX 21: Sample of Slave Manumission in the
Sharia Court, 1868-1885
- APPENDIX 22: Real Estate and Moveable Property
Transactions of Shaykh 'Abd Allah
b. 'Umar b. Sa'id Ba Junayd and Shaykh 'Ali Ahmed Ba Junayd in Massawa,
1868-1888
http://www.mediafire.com/file/athrwfe6irvf035/Miran_Ph.D._dissertation_on_Massawa_APPE.pdf/file
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Thanks to Jonathan Miran for sharing
Sunday, 23 September 2018
Articles on Self-Determination and Secessionism in Africa
SELF-DETERMINATION AND SECESSION A 21st Century Challenge to the Post-colonial State in Africa by Redie Bereketeab
https://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:567296/FULLTEXT01.pdf
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Self-Determination and Secessionism in Somaliland and South Sudan CHALLENGES TO POSTCOLONIAL STATE-BUILDING
https://www.cmi.no/file/2162-Self-Determination-and-Secessionism-in-Somaliland-and-South-Sudan.pdf
Determinants of Successful Secessions in Post-colonial Africa: Analyzing the Cases of Eritrea and South Sudan, a 2014 MA Thesis, by By Albano Agostinho Troco, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa
https://researchspace.ukzn.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10413/12076/Troco_Albano_Agostinho_2014.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y
Self-Determination and Multi-Ethnic Societies in Africa
https://iiardpub.org/get/JPSLR/VOL.%203%20NO.%203%202017/SELF-DETERMINATION.pdf
How students in Eritrea and Norway make sense of literature, PhD Thesis
How students in Eritrea and Norway make sense of literature, a 2010 PhD Thesis, Oslo University by Juliet Munden
Summary
This study is about how people make sense of literature. More specifically, it explores how Eritrean literature in English is read by students at two institutions of teacher education, one in Norway and one in Eritrea. It is therefore a comparison of two interpretive communities. One underlying assumption is that culture, especially how national identity is constructed, maintained and challenged, influences the discoursal positions and interpretive strategies available to readers. The students‟ responses are analysed in the light of their national cultures and the social, educational and institutional contexts that they share. A second assumption is that each individual response cannot be completely accounted for by these factors. Readers, then, give meaning to texts, and texts achieve meaning first when they are read. But a text limits the coherent interpretations available to a reader. There are few qualitative comparative studies about how people make sense of literature, and this in itself is a rationale for this study. What comparative studies there are typically organise respondents by nationality, but refer only briefly to their culture and context. An important component of this study is therefore a methodological discussion of what a comparative study of nationally defined groups of readers entails. A further motivation is that there is currently virtually no research in the humanities in Eritrea.
The bulk of the material is provided by twelve Eritrean and ten Norwegian students of English, who wrote about three Eritrean literary texts: a fable, a short prose narrative and a play. They also answered a questionnaire about their experience and expectations of literature. To contextualise the literary texts I review the political and aesthetic space of literature in Eritrea, and provide an overview of Eritrean literature in English. Both groups of students reported finding fiction useful because it expanded their horizons and gave them an opportunity to learn about other cultures. Unlike the Norwegian students, most of the students in Eritrea looked to literature first and foremost with the expectation that it should contribute to upholding a moral society and their own moral integrity. The students in Eritrea were fairly consistent in being assertive in response to all three texts. Unlike the students in Norway, they were confident of having found the meaning of the texts they read, using strategies apparently developed through encounters with oral literature, the literature of which they had had most experience prior to their studies. The students in Norway were more likely to point out the individuality of their responses, with the possibility of there being other interpretations. The responses of the two groups were most similar in regard to a previously unfamiliar literary text about young people, where both were concerned with the importance of friendship and the innocence of childhood. They responded most differently to the nationalist play The Other War. The students in Eritrea consistently reproduced a national narrative template which was not available to the students in Norway, whose preferred interpretive strategy was to offer an understanding in terms of the characters‟ interaction, emotions and earlier experiences. This strategy, which they brought to all three texts, did not necessitate an understanding of social and political contexts, nor a moral standpoint. Student texts provided a rich material and they were well-suited to a research situation where transparency was an important consideration. A broader understanding of context than is found in most earlier studies of reading has proved conceptually valuable in accounting for the strategies and discoursal positions of the two interpretive communities.
https://brage.bibsys.no/xmlui/bitstream/handle/11250/132010/Munden_J_How%20students%20in%20Eritrea%20and%20Norway.pdf?sequence=3&isAllowed=y
Summary
This study is about how people make sense of literature. More specifically, it explores how Eritrean literature in English is read by students at two institutions of teacher education, one in Norway and one in Eritrea. It is therefore a comparison of two interpretive communities. One underlying assumption is that culture, especially how national identity is constructed, maintained and challenged, influences the discoursal positions and interpretive strategies available to readers. The students‟ responses are analysed in the light of their national cultures and the social, educational and institutional contexts that they share. A second assumption is that each individual response cannot be completely accounted for by these factors. Readers, then, give meaning to texts, and texts achieve meaning first when they are read. But a text limits the coherent interpretations available to a reader. There are few qualitative comparative studies about how people make sense of literature, and this in itself is a rationale for this study. What comparative studies there are typically organise respondents by nationality, but refer only briefly to their culture and context. An important component of this study is therefore a methodological discussion of what a comparative study of nationally defined groups of readers entails. A further motivation is that there is currently virtually no research in the humanities in Eritrea.
The bulk of the material is provided by twelve Eritrean and ten Norwegian students of English, who wrote about three Eritrean literary texts: a fable, a short prose narrative and a play. They also answered a questionnaire about their experience and expectations of literature. To contextualise the literary texts I review the political and aesthetic space of literature in Eritrea, and provide an overview of Eritrean literature in English. Both groups of students reported finding fiction useful because it expanded their horizons and gave them an opportunity to learn about other cultures. Unlike the Norwegian students, most of the students in Eritrea looked to literature first and foremost with the expectation that it should contribute to upholding a moral society and their own moral integrity. The students in Eritrea were fairly consistent in being assertive in response to all three texts. Unlike the students in Norway, they were confident of having found the meaning of the texts they read, using strategies apparently developed through encounters with oral literature, the literature of which they had had most experience prior to their studies. The students in Norway were more likely to point out the individuality of their responses, with the possibility of there being other interpretations. The responses of the two groups were most similar in regard to a previously unfamiliar literary text about young people, where both were concerned with the importance of friendship and the innocence of childhood. They responded most differently to the nationalist play The Other War. The students in Eritrea consistently reproduced a national narrative template which was not available to the students in Norway, whose preferred interpretive strategy was to offer an understanding in terms of the characters‟ interaction, emotions and earlier experiences. This strategy, which they brought to all three texts, did not necessitate an understanding of social and political contexts, nor a moral standpoint. Student texts provided a rich material and they were well-suited to a research situation where transparency was an important consideration. A broader understanding of context than is found in most earlier studies of reading has proved conceptually valuable in accounting for the strategies and discoursal positions of the two interpretive communities.
https://brage.bibsys.no/xmlui/bitstream/handle/11250/132010/Munden_J_How%20students%20in%20Eritrea%20and%20Norway.pdf?sequence=3&isAllowed=y
Not All Liberation Movements Lead to Democracy: A Comparative case Study of Uganda and Eritrea
Not All Liberation Movements Lead to Democracy: A Comparative case Study of Uganda and Eritrea, a 2015 MA Thesis, University of Colorado. By OMUNU ABALU
http://digital.auraria.edu/content/AA/00/00/18/84/00001/AA00001884_00001.pdf
Diaspora tourism and the negotiation of belonging: journeys of young second-generation Eritreans to Eritrea
Diaspora tourism and the negotiation of belonging: journeys of young second-generation Eritreans to Eritrea, a 2017 article by Graf, Samuel
Published in Ethnic and Racial Studies, 40(15):2710-2727.
https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/128509/9/2016_Graf_s1-ln25138899-1959203585-1939656818Hwf-3162798IdV-19949729625138899PDF_HI0001.pdf
https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/128509/9/2016_Graf_s1-ln25138899-1959203585-1939656818Hwf-3162798IdV-19949729625138899PDF_HI0001.pdf
Wednesday, 29 August 2018
The United Nations and the Independence of Eritrea
The United Nations and the Independence of Eritrea, a 286 page book, published by the UN in 1996
"The military conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea was one of Africa's longest struggles for independence and one of the world's most protracted campaigns for self-determination since the founding of the United Nations."
"On 27 April 1993, the Referendum Commission announced the official provisional results. Of those who had cast their votes, 1,098,015 had voted "yes" and 1,825 had voted "no"; 323 votes were invalid and 53,838 were tendered ballots, cast at a polling-station at which the voter was not registered. This meant that 99.805 per cent of those participating in the referendum had voted for independence, and only 0.17 per cent had voted against. Eritreans voting in Ethiopia, the Sudan and other countries, as well as members of the EPLA, had voted "yes", again with nearly total unanimity. "
https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/229464/files/%5BST_%5DDPI_1850-EN.pdf
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Thanks to Habesah AGreat for sharing
Friday, 24 August 2018
Highlights from the report of the UN Commission to Eritrea 1950
Highlights from the report of the UN Commission to Eritrea 1950
Resolution 289 (a) (IV) consisting of three parts, each dealing with one of the ex-Italian colonies. Section (C), relating to Eritrea, was adopted by the plenary session of the general assembly on 21 November 1949, which established the United Nations Commission for Eritrea to ascertain more fully the wishes of the inhabitants of Eritrea and the means of promoting their future welfare.
The five-power-commission consisting of representatives from Norway, the Union of South Africa, Burma, Pakistan and Guatemala was established to ascertain the wishes of the Eritrean people and to solicit the views of interested governments. The commission established its head- quarters in Asmara, the capital city of Eritrea, and held some seventy public and private meetings between 15 February and the end of April 1950.
Members of the commission with Haile Sellasie and the British Ambassador
During the same period, it visited various parts of Eritrea and travelled to the capitals of Ethiopia, Egypt and, Italy to consult with these governments. At the end of April, the commission retired to Geneva to prepare its report and recommendation for submission to the interim committee for its meeting on 15 June.
The commission members were too pressed for time to prepare a joint proposal and, instead, they agreed, on 8 June, to submit some selected documents along with their individual recommendations. The Norwegian member (Erling Qvale) proposed that Eritrea be united with Ethiopia; the South African (F.H. Theron) and Burmese (Aung Khine) that Eritrea be federated with Ethiopia; and the Pakistani (Mia Ziaud-Din) and Guatemalan (Carlos Garcia Bauer) commissioners that Eritrea be an independent state. The reports of the commission was presented to the Secretary General (Trygve Lie)of the UN on June 9, 1950.
This report is in French, but easier to read the tables about the population breakdown by language and religion, the names of the members of the political parties they met and other relevant info.
http://www.mediafire.com/file/iba6kojtnj16gto/UN+Comm+Report+1950.pdf
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Summary of AG-048 United Nations Commission for Eritrea (1950), files
https://search.archives.un.org/downloads/united-nations-commission-for-eritrea-1950.pdf
Tuesday, 21 August 2018
The Future of Ethiopia: Developmental State or Political Marketplace?
The Future of Ethiopia:
Developmental State or
Political Marketplace? by Alex de Waal
20.08.2018
" In my case, one prism through which I interpret Ethiopian developments is the analysis derived from numerous discussions that I had with Meles Zenawi between 1988 and 2012. I initially developed the framework of the ‘political marketplace’ as a critique of Meles’s theory of the ‘democratic developmental state’. In particular, I saw monetized or marketized politics as a threat to the stateled developmental order that Meles envisioned: I argued that as well as the two scenarios he envisaged, namely economic transformation versus a relapse into poverty and chaos, there was a third: a political marketplace. The rationale for this paper is that these two frameworks, the developmental state and the political marketplace, offer analytical insights that are important for understanding Ethiopia today.
This paper has two parts. The first is based on those conversations with Meles. I have notes from many of them (especially from the period 2007- 2012) and recollections of others. I have organized them into the themes of the developmental state, democracy and nationalism, and foreign policy and security strategy. In each case what I present are amalgams of notes, verbatim transcripts, and a few inferences. They are rearranged for coherence. "
https://sites.tufts.edu/reinventingpeace/files/2018/08/The-future-of-ethiopia-20180817.pdf
20.08.2018
" In my case, one prism through which I interpret Ethiopian developments is the analysis derived from numerous discussions that I had with Meles Zenawi between 1988 and 2012. I initially developed the framework of the ‘political marketplace’ as a critique of Meles’s theory of the ‘democratic developmental state’. In particular, I saw monetized or marketized politics as a threat to the stateled developmental order that Meles envisioned: I argued that as well as the two scenarios he envisaged, namely economic transformation versus a relapse into poverty and chaos, there was a third: a political marketplace. The rationale for this paper is that these two frameworks, the developmental state and the political marketplace, offer analytical insights that are important for understanding Ethiopia today.
This paper has two parts. The first is based on those conversations with Meles. I have notes from many of them (especially from the period 2007- 2012) and recollections of others. I have organized them into the themes of the developmental state, democracy and nationalism, and foreign policy and security strategy. In each case what I present are amalgams of notes, verbatim transcripts, and a few inferences. They are rearranged for coherence. "
https://sites.tufts.edu/reinventingpeace/files/2018/08/The-future-of-ethiopia-20180817.pdf
Sunday, 29 July 2018
The politics of retreat: Soviet Union/ Ethiopia
The politics of retreat by Prof. John Keane, a 1990 article on the process of dismantling of the Soviet Union by Gorbachov.
http://www.johnkeane.net/wp-content/uploads/1990/01/jk_politics_retreat.pdf
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Thanks to Niels Harbitz for making aware of the article
The politics of retreat of the totalitarian state:
The politics of retreat is an article that was written by
John Keane (a Professor of Politics at the Polytechnic of Central London) in
1990. The article analysed the changes that were taking place in Soviet Union
under Gorbachew. The writer addressed the retreat of the totalitarian state.
Though Ethiopia and the Soviet Union are different to compare and 2018 is not
1990; the changes taking place in Ethiopia look similar to those that took
place in the Soviet Union, then. The Gobachew phenomenon looks like the ‘Abiy’
phenomenon. Does Abiy intend to dismantle the EPRDF totalitarian state? This makes the article an interesting read.
The politicians of retreat are a new specie of political
animal. Although schooled in the arts of conventional politics; politicians of
retreat always begin their careers in the corridors and committee rooms of
state power-they are not driven by lust for power or visions of grand victories
through conquest. They are instead skilled in the art of unscrewing the lids of
despotism by forming new compromises and withdrawing and retreating from unworkable
positions.
The politics of retreat is naturally a delicate and a
dangerous process. Its leaders are
trapped within the quicksands of politics. They risk their lives at every step,
and they are always surrounded by enemies operating in the shadowy corners of
state power. The legitimacy problem confronting politicians is partly due to
the fact that they hasten the disintegration of the existing despotic regime,
thereby threatening certain individuals and groups whose power base lie within
the system. Politicians of retreat help dramatically to widen the political
spectrum. They tend to speak of future gains. They know one thing best: the
despotic regimes can die of of swallowing their own lies and arrogance, and
that fear and demorilisation can not govern forever. Their actions often have unintended
consequences of fostering the growth of social power groups acting at a distance
from which they help to dismantle. The politicians typically sow the seeds of
their own downfall.
The politics of retreat is a dangerous bussiness. There
comes a point when it intensifies the crisis it is supposed to resolve. Events
become pregnant with unforseen consequences. Many subjects become active citizens who are no
longer impatient. Controlled retreat begins to turn in choas.
http://www.johnkeane.net/wp-content/uploads/1990/01/jk_politics_retreat.pdf
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Thanks to Niels Harbitz for making aware of the article
Friday, 29 June 2018
A History of Ethiopia, Nubia and Abyssinia, 1928
A History of Ethiopia, Nubia and Abyssinia, 1928 by Sir Wallis Budge
a 423 page book in 2 volumes with 49 plates, 31 illustrations in the text and a map
https://ia601608.us.archive.org/35/items/in.ernet.dli.2015.499166/2015.499166.history-of.pdf
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Thanks to Abo Homed for sharing
Saturday, 19 May 2018
Book: Mussolini in Ethiopia, 1919–1935
Mussolini in Ethiopia, 1919–1935
Mussolini in Ethiopia, 1919–1935 looks in detail at the evolution of the
Italian Fascist regime’s colonial policy within the context of European
politics and the rise to power of German National Socialism. It delves
into the tortuous nature of relations between the National Fascist Party
and the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP), while
demonstrating how, ultimately, a Hitler-led Germany proved the best
mechanism for overseas Italian expansion in East Africa. The book
assesses the emergence of an ideologically driven Fascist colonial policy
from 1931 onwards and how this eventually culminated in a serious
clash of interests with the British Empire. Benito Mussolini’s successful
flouting of the League of Nations’ authority heralded a new dark era
in world politics and continues to have its resonance in today’s world.
Can be accessed and downloaded:
https://ia801300.us.archive.org/21/items/MalletRobertMussoliniInEthiopia1919-1935.TheOriginsOfFascistItalysAfricanWar_201804/MalletRobert-MussoliniInEthiopia19191935.TheOriginsOfFascistItalysAfricanWar.pdf
Saturday, 28 April 2018
A collection of African social science titles
A collection of African social science titles:
https://www.africabib.org/
Resources on Eritrea: https://www.africabib.org/query_a.php?ge=!294910263!
Wednesday, 25 April 2018
Eritrea: Initial National Report (1999-2016) by State of Eritrea
ERITREA: INITIAL NATIONAL REPORT (1999-2016)
For the first time the Eritrean Regime has written a 100 page report on the State of Affairs in Eritrea prepared on 28 March 2017 by the State of Eritrea, Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR)
http://www.achpr.org/states/eritrea/reports/1st-1999-2016/
OR download it from the link below:
http://www.mediafire.com/file/dwj5jwx3d4w37wd/Eritrea+National+Report+1996+-+2017.pdf
Sunday, 15 April 2018
Saddam and High-Ranking Officials Discussing Khomeini, the Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict, 1979
February 20, 1979
Saddam and High-Ranking Officials
Discussing Khomeini, the Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict, the Potential for Kurdish
Unrest, and the Iranian Economy
Saddam Hussein: Of course, the Eritrean revolution has become weaker than its previous state. When Ethiopia was preoccupied with Ogaden [An Ethiopian region that was the subject of conflict between Ethiopia and Somalia] in Somalia and when Somalia failed to provide quick advice to the Eritreans, we told them [the Eritreans] before they rearrange themselves and since they have not recovered yet from the events [inaudible], as an assessment of them in this phase. But they did not listen and continued in their ways. We do not expect the Eritrean revolution to end in a complete victory or full retreat in a short time because it became a part of the international equation [dynamic] with different parties, ethnic groups, and trends fighting each other. We do not have something intrinsic in our analysis to our stance or position, but it can be summarized by saying that their position is weaker than before. They are not expected to achieve victory in a short period or to be defeated in a short period because it has become a part of the international equation. What makes it easier on them, of course, is that the discussions have become broader, where their position is based on the Soviet weight in Ethiopia. Now, Africa and the events in Iran have become more interesting than Eritrea for the Soviet Union, which is more interested now in events in Indochina than Eritrea. This is an issue that depends on the orientations, interests, and points that have priority in the agenda. Sure, the Soviet weight is going to ease on Eritreans through Ethiopia, but I do not believe that the Eritreans are capable of achieving an imminent victory or have the power to defeat them soon. But their position is weaker than before. Comrade Sa'doun, do you have other remarks about this subject, the subject of Eritrea?
من محضر اجتماع عقد يوم ٢٠ فبراير١٩٧٩ حضره صدام حسين ومسؤولين عراقيين رفيعي المستوى يناقشون الخميني والصراع الإثيوبي الإريتري واحتمال الاضطرابات الكردية والاقتصاد الإيراني، وتقيمهم للثورة الارترية
Saddam Hussein: Of course, the Eritrean revolution has become weaker than its previous state. When Ethiopia was preoccupied with Ogaden [An Ethiopian region that was the subject of conflict between Ethiopia and Somalia] in Somalia and when Somalia failed to provide quick advice to the Eritreans, we told them [the Eritreans] before they rearrange themselves and since they have not recovered yet from the events [inaudible], as an assessment of them in this phase. But they did not listen and continued in their ways. We do not expect the Eritrean revolution to end in a complete victory or full retreat in a short time because it became a part of the international equation [dynamic] with different parties, ethnic groups, and trends fighting each other. We do not have something intrinsic in our analysis to our stance or position, but it can be summarized by saying that their position is weaker than before. They are not expected to achieve victory in a short period or to be defeated in a short period because it has become a part of the international equation. What makes it easier on them, of course, is that the discussions have become broader, where their position is based on the Soviet weight in Ethiopia. Now, Africa and the events in Iran have become more interesting than Eritrea for the Soviet Union, which is more interested now in events in Indochina than Eritrea. This is an issue that depends on the orientations, interests, and points that have priority in the agenda. Sure, the Soviet weight is going to ease on Eritreans through Ethiopia, but I do not believe that the Eritreans are capable of achieving an imminent victory or have the power to defeat them soon. But their position is weaker than before. Comrade Sa'doun, do you have other remarks about this subject, the subject of Eritrea?
http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/111640.pdf?v=6257a46767ae41aa93c55ad31ce99a09
Tuesday, 6 March 2018
Eritrea/Ethiopia/Somalia - Soviet Bloc relations confidential declassified documents
Eritrea/Ethiopia/Somalia - Soviet Bloc relations confidential declassified documents
On Eritrea: 14 confidential declassified documents 1977 - 1991
On how the Soviet Union and Germany wanted to solve the Eritrean problem and on the secret negotiations they conducted between delegations of the Derg and Eritrean Liberation Fronts
http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/search-results/1/%7B%22coverage%22:%2249%22%7D
Ethiopian - Soviet Bloc relations: 86 confidential declassified documents (1956 - 1991)
Among other issues, on the Ethiopian-Somali war of 1977 and how they tried to prevent it and later solve it; on how they assessed the final years of the Derg
http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/search-results/1/%7B%22coverage%22:%2250%22%7D
Somali - Soviet Bloc relations: 52 confidential declassified documents (1971 - 1991)
http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/search-results/1/%7B%22coverage%22%3A%22125%22%7D?recordType=Record
Sunday, 4 March 2018
Letter from Erich Honecker, leader of the German Democratic Republic to Brezhnev on the Derg and EPLF talks in 1978
DRAFT LETTER FROM HONECKER TO BREZHNEV ON ETHIOPIAN-ERITREAN
TALKS, 19 APRIL 1978
Erich Honecker, the General Secretary of the Socialist Unity Party (SED), leader of the German Democratic Republic from 1971 until the weeks preceding the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989
Among other things both sides agreed in the first meeting on:
1. Both sides confirm their resolve to stop the bloodshed immediately and bring about a political solution.
2. The Provisional Military Administrative Council of Ethiopia will make a public declaration expressing its concrete proposals for the implementation of regional autonomy for Eritrea in the framework of the Ethiopian state and under inclusion of all willing positive forces in Eritrea.
The Central Committee of the EPLF recognizes the achievements of the Ethiopian Revolution and declares itself ready for cooperation in the interest of implementation of regional autonomy.
3. Revolutionary Ethiopia's secure access to the Red Sea must be guaranteed by its uninterrupted access lines and its control over Asmara and the ports of Massawa and Assab.
4. Both sides form a common commission for the purpose of implementing the above points and all other steps for the security of the Revolution in Ethiopia and regional autonomy in Eritrea. It was agreed to inform the leadership organizations of Ethiopia and of the EPLF and have them communicate their positions on the results of the second meeting and the proposals of the SED at a third meeting in the GDR in mid May.
Read the whole report:
http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/110979.pdf?v=92d710987089e24ef9bbaf08cf26985e
January 31, 1978 Memorandum of a Conversation between East
German leader Erich Honecker and Siassi Aforki, General Secretary of the
Revolutionary Party of Eritrea, in Berlin
Aforki: We are very proud and very happy about this meeting. It is a historical meeting. The first visit of our comrades in the GDR already brought very positive results. [...] We highly appreciate the good offices of your country and your party. What we have achieved so far is already a turning-point in our fight. The results of the meeting with the Ethiopians are still uncertain, but in any case it will be a historic meeting. In the past 17 years a fierce battle has been waged. Not one meeting took place between Eritreans and Ethiopians. If something developed from this first meeting, this will not only be good for our two countries but for the peoples of the entire world. The only pre-condition for it is goodwill on the Ethiopian and on our side.
Comrade S. Aforki: The main problem is in how far Ethiopia is willing to meet our demands. It is clear from the start that if Ethiopia is not bringing along new proposals, a solution will not be possible. There is no point in discussing the possibility of unifying both revolutions. What we need are guarantees that the fight against imperialism and reaction will continue. Only one principal question is of importance. Everything depends on the capabilities and tactics of our organization. We won't be picky in minor questions. It is totally clear to us that in the case of an actual agreement its implementation is the important thing. Then we will check the details and implement them patiently. Eritrea has many enemies within and without. If they all find out about it, we will have many difficulties. But we are preparing for it. It is true that we are not the only organization. That, however, does not worry us. Because of our great influence and military strength we can succeed. The other two organizations in Eritrea have allied themselves with the imperialists and the reaction in the Arabic region.
http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/110965.pdf?v=6f1a90b11d584ce4c51189001bb46538
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union on Talks of Ahmed Nasser (ELF-RC) in the USSR Solidarity Committee, 1978
June 07, 1978 Information from the Central Committee (CC) of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) on Talks of Ahmed Nasser (ELF-RC) in the USSR Solidarity Committee
In effect, the three talks which were held with Ahmed Nasser proved that the Eritrean friends are not yet willing to approach the question by giving up the slogan of independence for Eritrea. Their argumentation is that neither side should coerce the other one into negotiations and a solution could only be a result of unconditional negotiations.
In the first conversation on 7 June, A. Nasser indicated that the ELF-RC would possibly consent to a federation. In the following talks it was not mentioned again, and by the time the third talk took place on 8 June, the position of the Eritrean friends had even hardened.
You can read the whole report here:
The rest of 14 confidential documents of the Soviet Bloc on Eritrea related issues 1977 - 1991:
http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/search-results/1/%7B%22coverage%22:%2249%22%7D
In effect, the three talks which were held with Ahmed Nasser proved that the Eritrean friends are not yet willing to approach the question by giving up the slogan of independence for Eritrea. Their argumentation is that neither side should coerce the other one into negotiations and a solution could only be a result of unconditional negotiations.
In the first conversation on 7 June, A. Nasser indicated that the ELF-RC would possibly consent to a federation. In the following talks it was not mentioned again, and by the time the third talk took place on 8 June, the position of the Eritrean friends had even hardened.
You can read the whole report here:
The rest of 14 confidential documents of the Soviet Bloc on Eritrea related issues 1977 - 1991:
http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/search-results/1/%7B%22coverage%22:%2249%22%7D
Wednesday, 28 February 2018
'Italian Proceedings on the African Coast of the Red Sea.' 1880
'Italian Proceedings on the African Coast of the Red Sea.' 1880 Confidential correspondence by the British Foreign office
The first section describes the course of events at and around Assab from May 1880 to September 1881, including protests made by the Egyptian Government to the Italian Government at their purchase of the whole coastline around Assab Bay and the islands nearby, and an enquiry that followed the massacre of an Italian exploring party. This section concludes with two reports suggesting that, although the Italians had not made much progress at Assab Bay, they had shown their intention to get a foothold on the African continent.
The second section reproduces correspondence between the British, Italian and Egyptian governments, and between the India Office and the Foreign Office from May 1880 to September 1881. The correspondence relates to the purchase of land at Assab Bay by the Rubattino Company; Italian Government denials that the territory would be used for military purposes; attempts made by the Italian Government to legitimise their occupation of the place by encouraging the British Government to accredit a British Agent there, both for commercial purposes and for the purpose of co-operation in the suppression of the slave trade; and a British Government proposal that the Italian Government enter into a formal convention about the matter with the Egyptian Government.
The final section reproduces correspondence connected with a proposed disembarkation of Egyptian troops at Raheita to the south of Assab Bay; Egyptian appeals for a British warship to be sent to the area; Italian protestations that disembarkation at Raheita would constitute a provocation; and the British Government's reaffirmation that the sovereignty of the coastline at Raheita and Assab Bay belongs to the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire and the Khedive of Egypt.
The first section describes the course of events at and around Assab from May 1880 to September 1881, including protests made by the Egyptian Government to the Italian Government at their purchase of the whole coastline around Assab Bay and the islands nearby, and an enquiry that followed the massacre of an Italian exploring party. This section concludes with two reports suggesting that, although the Italians had not made much progress at Assab Bay, they had shown their intention to get a foothold on the African continent.
The second section reproduces correspondence between the British, Italian and Egyptian governments, and between the India Office and the Foreign Office from May 1880 to September 1881. The correspondence relates to the purchase of land at Assab Bay by the Rubattino Company; Italian Government denials that the territory would be used for military purposes; attempts made by the Italian Government to legitimise their occupation of the place by encouraging the British Government to accredit a British Agent there, both for commercial purposes and for the purpose of co-operation in the suppression of the slave trade; and a British Government proposal that the Italian Government enter into a formal convention about the matter with the Egyptian Government.
The final section reproduces correspondence connected with a proposed disembarkation of Egyptian troops at Raheita to the south of Assab Bay; Egyptian appeals for a British warship to be sent to the area; Italian protestations that disembarkation at Raheita would constitute a provocation; and the British Government's reaffirmation that the sovereignty of the coastline at Raheita and Assab Bay belongs to the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire and the Khedive of Egypt.
Source: British Library: India Office Records and Private Papers, IOR/L/PS/18/B22a, in
Qatar Digital Library <https://www.qdl.qa/archive/81055/vdc_100000000788.0x0003e5>
[accessed 18 February 2018]
----------------------
Thanks to Dawit Ayalew Makonnen fo sharing
Kush: Journal of the Sudan Antiquities Service 1954 - 2002
Open Access Journal: KUSH : Journal of the National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums (NCAM)
KUSH: Journal of the National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums (NCAM)
[Formerly Kush : journal of the Sudan Antiquities Service ISSN: 0075-7349]
[Formerly Kush : journal of the Sudan Antiquities Service ISSN: 0075-7349]
Kush: Journal of the Sudan Antiquities Service
The Editorial Notes of the first issue of KUSH, stated: '
The Sudan, by its intermediate position between the Near East and Central
Africa has a peculiarly important position in archaeology '. Unfortunately for
too long the importance of this position was not adequately appreciated by
scholars, and the archaeology and ancient history of the Sudan was considered
but a poor relation of Egyptian history.
It includes articles in English, French and German and includes an editorial note on " The countries of the Ethiopian Empire of Kash (Kush) and Egyptian old Ethiopia in the New kingdom", By Ernest Zyhlarz
The full volumes are available here>
The full volumes are available here>
Arkell's , 1954 on the Agordat Four Occupation Sites can be accessed here, pp. 33 - 62 on this issue:
http://sfdas.com/IMG/pdf/kush_ii.pdf
Vol VI 1958:
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Wednesday, 21 February 2018
THE HOLOCENE PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE TEMBEN REGION, NORTHERN ETHIOPIA
THE HOLOCENE PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE TEMBEN REGION, NORTHERN ETHIOPIA By Agazi Negash, a PhD thesis, Graduate School of the University of Florida
Abstract
Evidence from agronomy and bio-geography shows that northern
Ethiopia is a center of origin of several economically important African plant
domesticates that played a major role in the emergence of Neolithic societies.
Although archaeologists have speculated on how and why these food producing
societies have emerged, in the past, there was virtually no archaeological data
with which to test the hypotheses they have developed. Recent systematic
archaeological surveys and excavation in the Temben area of northern Ethiopia
have identified sites that have provided radiometrically datable stratified
cultural sequences containing preserved faunal remains, a necessary temporal
sequence that would allow us to begin testing the various hypotheses. The
analysis of the cultural materials and ecofacts t recovered from these sites
would lay the groundwork for future archaeological investigations in northern
Ethiopia by furnishing significant necessary data towards the understanding of
the Neolithic of northern Ethiopia, an area that is situated in the
bio-geographical heart of the hypothesized center of Ethiopian plant
domestication.
Can be downloaded at:
https://ia800404.us.archive.org/28/items/holoceneprehisto00nega/holoceneprehisto00nega.pdf
Tuesday, 20 February 2018
The Hanish Islands on the spotlight between Italy and Britain 1928 - 1935
The Hanish Islands on the spotlight between Italy and Britain 1928 - 1935
This file primarily concerns the sovereignty status of the Hanish Islands, as well as that of other islands in the Lower Red Sea. It documents concerns held by the British Government that the Italian Government is in the process of attempting to establish some kind of informal control over certain islands.
Matters discussed in the correspondence include:
• The content and wording of a proposed Red Sea Lights Convention, the result of negotiations between the British and French governments, which ostensibly relates to the construction and maintenance of lighthouses – both on islands in the Lower Red Sea and in the territory of Mocha – but also concerns questions of sovereignty.
• Whether the Italian Government's plan to construct a lighthouse on South-West Haycock Island constitutes a claim of sovereignty over the island.
• The establishment of Italian military posts on the Hanish and Jebel Zukur [Jazīrat Jabal Zuqar] islands.
• Concerns expressed by the Admiralty and Foreign Office that by establishing these posts the Italian Government could be attempting to enforce rights of sovereignty over the islands.
• The extent to which either the Treaty of Lausanne (1923) or the Rome Conversations of 1927 (between Britain and Italy) provide any basis to contesting an Italian claim to sovereignty over the islands.
• Reports of attempts by the Italian military posts to restrict fishing and pearling
http://www.mediafire.com/file/g6zbypbi6i6nbbn/Hanish+islands+1931.pdf
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Source: Qatar University digital archive
http://www.qdl.qa/en/archive/81055/vdc_100000000555.0x000292
This file primarily concerns the sovereignty status of the Hanish Islands, as well as that of other islands in the Lower Red Sea. It documents concerns held by the British Government that the Italian Government is in the process of attempting to establish some kind of informal control over certain islands.
Matters discussed in the correspondence include:
• The content and wording of a proposed Red Sea Lights Convention, the result of negotiations between the British and French governments, which ostensibly relates to the construction and maintenance of lighthouses – both on islands in the Lower Red Sea and in the territory of Mocha – but also concerns questions of sovereignty.
• Whether the Italian Government's plan to construct a lighthouse on South-West Haycock Island constitutes a claim of sovereignty over the island.
• The establishment of Italian military posts on the Hanish and Jebel Zukur [Jazīrat Jabal Zuqar] islands.
• Concerns expressed by the Admiralty and Foreign Office that by establishing these posts the Italian Government could be attempting to enforce rights of sovereignty over the islands.
• The extent to which either the Treaty of Lausanne (1923) or the Rome Conversations of 1927 (between Britain and Italy) provide any basis to contesting an Italian claim to sovereignty over the islands.
• Reports of attempts by the Italian military posts to restrict fishing and pearling
http://www.mediafire.com/file/g6zbypbi6i6nbbn/Hanish+islands+1931.pdf
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Source: Qatar University digital archive
http://www.qdl.qa/en/archive/81055/vdc_100000000555.0x000292
Saturday, 17 February 2018
Treaties signed between foreign powers and Afar Sultanates, Shoa, Abyssinia and Ethiopia
The Treaties and Conventions signed between foreign powers (Italy, Great Britain and France) and the independent Afar Sultanates and between those powers and Abyssinia, Shoa, Ethiopia. For convenience purposes those treaties are inserted under Abyssinia. Ranging from 1841 - 1908
This is a book by Sir E. Hertslet with 582 pages with a collection of maps, published in 1909 and is Vol II of the series, Map of Africa by Treaty
https://ia600802.us.archive.org/17/items/mapofafricabytre02hert/mapofafricabytre02hert.pdf
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Thanks to Mauro Ghermandi for sharing
This is a book by Sir E. Hertslet with 582 pages with a collection of maps, published in 1909 and is Vol II of the series, Map of Africa by Treaty
المعاهدات والاتفاقيات الموقعة بين القوى الأجنبية (إيطاليا وبريطانيا وفرنسا) والسلطانات العفرية المستقلة وبين تلك القوى والحبشة ، وشوا ،وإثيوبيا. لأغراض التسهيل وضعت هذه المعاهدات تحت الحبشة . وكانت الاتفاقيات بين عام ١٨٤١ و ١٩٠٨
Some of the treaties in the book
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Thanks to Mauro Ghermandi for sharing
Saturday, 10 February 2018
A SOCIO-ECONOMIC HISTORY OF NORTH SHÄWA, ETHIOPIA (1880s - 1935)
A SOCIO-ECONOMIC HISTORY OF NORTH SHÄWA, ETHIOPIA (1880s - 1935), a 2015 PhD thesis by Dechasa Abebe, UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA
http://uir.unisa.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10500/19891/thesis_demisie_da.pdf?sequence=1
The Journal of Oromo Studies VOLUME 6, Nos. 1 & 2, 1999
The Journal of Oromo Studies VOLUME 6, NUMBERS 1 & 2, JULY 1999
https://zelalemkibret.files.wordpress.com/2013/07/jos-volume-6-numbers-12-1999.pdf
https://zelalemkibret.files.wordpress.com/2013/07/jos-volume-6-numbers-12-1999.pdf
ITALY THROUGH THE LOOKING GLASS: ASPECTS OF BRITISH POLlCY AND INTELLIGENCE CONCERNING ITALY, 1939-1 941
ITALY THROUGH THE LOOKING GLASS: ASPECTS OF BRITISH POLlCY AND INTELLIGENCE CONCERNING ITALY, 1939-1 941, a 1997 PhD thesis by Dawn Marie Miller
This thesis examines British policy and intelligence concerning Italy between 1939 and 1941, paying particular attention to British images of Italy. In this period, British policy ran the gamut from appeasement to a pre-emptive strike, each corresponding to the prevailing image of Italy. This image was determined by the combination of net assessments, British fondness for the indirect approach and intelligence whose inability to ascertain Italian intentions gave expectations disproportionate influence over assessments. Chief among these expectations was the belief that Italian policy would further British plans to satisfy its strategic needs. After Italy joined the war on 10 June 1940, intelligence's inability to penetrate Mussolini's mind was less critical. Italy's declaration of war shattered the illusion that its policy would be compatible with Britain's strategic needs while breakthroughs in signals intelligence improved operational intelligence. In East Africa, this resulted in a policy of "raising the tribes", a plan to defeat Italy by supporting an indigenous rebellion in the Italian territories. British success in Abyssinia in May 1941 was a turning point in Anglo-Italian relations because it marked the end of Italy's ability to fight a parallel war. This thesis examines the interplay of image, intelligence and policy in Britain's relations with Italy between 1939 and 1941 in order to increase understanding of the nature and results of British policy for Italy in this period.
http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ28018.pdf
Discussing ethnohistory: The Blin between periphery and international politics in the 19th century
Discussing ethnohistory: The Blin between periphery and international politics in the 19th century, a 2006 article by Wolbert Smidt
http://journals.openedition.org/cy/1373
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Thanks to Mauro Ghermendi for sharing the link
History, Historical Arguments and the Ethio-Eritrean conflict: between xenophobic approaches and an ideology of unity
History, Historical Arguments and the Ethio-Eritrean conflict:
between xenophobic approaches and an ideology
of unity, an 2012 article by Wolbert Smidt
http://www.mediafire.com/file/41kss6vz27gr0sb/History_historical_arguments_and_the_Eth+%281%29.pdf
Source: https://www.academia.edu/21221634/History_historical_arguments_and_the_Ethio-Eritrean_conflict_between_xenophobic_approaches_and_an_ideology_of_unity?auto=download
Thanks to Mauro Ghermandi for sharing the link
For the Motherland (ለእናት ሀገር): Traditional Music Performance and Nationalism in Addis Ababa, 2016
For the Motherland (ለእናት ሀገር): Traditional Music Performance and Nationalism in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, a 2016 M.A. Thesis by Sara Bishop, Florida State University
This thesis examines staged performances of traditional music in Addis Ababa, the capital city of Ethiopia. It includes the history of traditional performing groups in Ethiopia and their purposes, the continuities and changes in performance practices from the early twentieth century to the present day, and audience perceptions of these performances. Particular attention is given to the relationships between traditional musics and Ethiopian nationalism. In response to the rise of ethno-nationalism in the latter part of the twentieth century, the new government regime that came to power in 1994 employed ethnicity as an organizing principle of the state.
It can be downloaded at:
https://fsu.digital.flvc.org/islandora/object/fsu%3A360323
Tuesday, 6 February 2018
The Struggling State: Nationalism, Mass Militarization, and the Education of Eritrea
The Struggling State: Nationalism, Mass Militarization, and the Education of Eritrea , a book by Jennifer Riggan, 2016
Can be dowloaded here:
http://www.oapen.org/search?identifier=605457
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"A state like Eritrea that prohibits citizens from leaving, engages in mass round-ups, detains arbitrarily, permanently conscripts a large swathe of its population into the military, and utilizes schools as a conduit for military conscription might seem like a “strong” state in the sense that it has the capacity to implement policies and enact sovereignty over its people. Such a state might not seem to be “struggling,” yet I argue that states in Eritrea and elsewhere struggle in a variety of ways. States struggle to legitimately enact their own nation-building projects. Authoritarianism and state coercion, in particular, reveal weaknesses in the hyphen between nation and state, weaknesses that are present in all states, even those that we might not label as authoritarian or coercive. The case of Eritrea highlights these state struggles in several ways. "
"In
short, the Eritrean state struggled to be legitimate, to produce loyal national
subjects, to reproduce and reify itself, and to achieve institutional
coherence. These struggles are certainly not unique to Eritrea; indeed, all
states struggle to produce these effects. But the conditions in Eritrea
produced by mass militarization, the party’s orthodox adherence to its
revolutionary nationalist agenda, and the government’s increased reliance on
coercion amplify these struggles and expose the paradoxes of state legitimacy
and control."
---------------------------------
Thanks to Jonathan Miran for sharing the link
---------------------------------
Thanks to Jonathan Miran for sharing the link
Agordat, Eritrea one of the most extensive pre-historic materials in the Horn of Africa
New perspectives on the Agordat material, Eritrea: A re-examination of the archaeological
material in the National Museum, Khartoum
Agordat in Eritrea has provided one of the most extensive pre-historic materials in the Horn of Africa. The materials were collected and presented to the Sudan National Museum by A. J. Arkell and Major J. S. Last, the political governor of Eritrea in 1942
في أغوردات في إريتريا تم العثورعلى واحدة اقدم اثار ومواد ما قبل التاريخ في القرن الافريقى تم جمع المواد وعرضها في المتحف القومي السوداني من قبل أركيل و ماجور الذي كان آخر حاكم السياسي لإريتريا في عام 1942. معظم من المواد المستخرجة من سطح الموقع من أربع مناطق مختلفة في ضواحي أغوردات: جبل كوكان، نتاني، شابيت، وداندانيت. وقد وجدت اكثر المواد في كوكان وتشمل القطع الأثرية ، شظايا هيكل عظمي الإنسان والأسنان، وادوات اثرية صورها ملحقة، آركل (1954) يرى أن الاكتشافات موحدة تماما ويعتبر انهم ينتمون إلى ثقافة واحدة. التحليل الجديد من المواد يدل على أن المواد هي متنوعة جدا ومع ذلك، يظهر الاتصال الرئيسي، كما اقترح أركيل، أن تكون ذات صلة بثقافات وادي النيل ويرجع تاريخها إلى حوالي الألفية الرابعة
Agordat material, Eritrea, implication on Early Food Production
Early Food Production & Regional Contact
By Alemseged Beldados, 2012
Based on M.A. thesis at the University of Bergen.
Agordat in Eritrea has
provided one of the most extensive pre-historic materials in the Horn of Africa.
This thesis is primarily based on the analysis of archeological materials from
Agordat and comparing this with contemporary sites in the Sudan.
The thesis is primarily based on the analysis of
archeological materials from Agordat, Eritrea and is comparing this with
contemporary sites in the Sudan. It is structured into five chapters. Chapter
I deals with the history of research and the culture history of
Agordat and its environs. Under the topic the history of research, a
summary of the researches done on the economic prehistory of the Horn of Africa
is given. The summary is done with the intention of drawing an image on the
paucity of prehistoric research in the Horn of Africa and to show the
contribution of the Agordat material in filling up the gap required for a
better understanding of the period. The main manifestations of the
archeological groups and the description of the sites in the eastern desert and
along the Nile Valley of the Sudan that are contemporary with Agordat is dealt
in detail under the culture history of Agordat and its environs.
Chapter II
describes the study area and the palaeo-environment of the study area. A
brief overview is made on how climatic fluctuations influenced the settlement
of people in this area under the title palaeo-environment and human settlement.
A synopsis of the pottery classification and the
stone tools from Agordat is presented in Chapter III. A detail
description for each of the pot shreds (n=1469) in accordance with their
inventory number is presented in the appendix of this part of the thesis. The
analysis of the pottery from Agordat is followed by a comparison of the main
features (dominantly based on decoration patterns) with some other co-existing
sites.
Chapter IV
discusses the prehistoric exchange trade that the Horn of Africa had with the
Nile valley of the Sudan and Egypt. Obsidian (hard, dark glass like volcanic
rock), cowry shells (highly polished, usually brightly colored shell of a
marine gastropod used as money or ornament in certain parts of Asia and
Africa), and incense were dealt as items of exchange. The influence of trade
for the evolution of some archeological groups in Lower Nubia is also
presented. This chapter shows how easily ideas can flow from one cultural group
to the other though medium of exchange trade.
The result of the analysis of plant impressions on
pot shreds from Agordat is dealt in Chapter V. This chapter gives a
general view of the types of plant recovered in relation to recent
archaeobotanical works in the nearby regions. The last part of this thesis
synthesizes the five chapters and gives a concluding remark.
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The article can be downloaded at:
http://www.mediafire.com/file/vdmsa5nezly49to/Agordat+material+2007.pdf
The full article: Arkell, A.J. 1954. Four occupation sites at Agordat. Kush, 2: 33 – 62
http://www.mediafire.com/file/jmcc12a79be934t/Agordat+occupation+sites+arkell+1954.pdf
OR can be accessed here: http://sfdas.com/IMG/pdf/kush_ii.pdf
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Thanks to Mahmoud Lobinet for the links
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Another related article:
From the sea to the deserts and back: New research in Eastern Sudan and Eritrean lowlands
https://unora.unior.it/retrieve/handle/11574/40503/30413/Manzo_BMSEAS_18_2012_light.pdf
To sum up, all of these elements may point to intense contact between the Eritrean-Sudanese lowlands and Upper Nubia and suggest that, as expected, the south-easternmost region of the Kerma cultural area, i.e., the Fourth Cataract region, played an important part in this interaction. These remarks also suggest that the Eritrean-Sudanese lowlands had contact with the Red Sea coast and the Eastern Desert and may have had direct contact with Lower Nubia via the Eastern Desert, Arabia and perhaps Egypt via the Red Sea. It should be stressed that the processes of interaction between Nubia and Eastern Sudan led not only to the exchange of goods but also to the local production in Eastern Sudan of recorded in Gash Group and Jebel Mokram Group assemblages, described.
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Implications of a Test Excavation At Kokan Rockshelter, Agordat Eritrea 1994
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