A Tale of Two reform Movements in
PLF/EPLF/PFDJ of 1973 and of 2001
This text looks at a comparison of
two significant reform movements within the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front
(EPLF), specifically focusing on the so called ‘Menkae’ or ‘destructive movement
of 1973’ as labelled by the leadership of PLF, but a ‘Democratic Movement’ by
others on one side, and the G15 demands of 2001. Both movements, despite being
separated by 28 years, share striking similarities in their objectives and
outcomes, particularly in their confrontation with a central figure, the
accused and the perpetrator, Isaias Afwerki.
The Menkae movement of 1973,
labelled as the "destructive movement" by the PLF leadership, was
detailed in an extensive 86-page report. Notably, 23 pages of this report
contained responses to the issues raised by the movement, written by Isaias
Afwerki himself and endorsed fully by the leadership on November 6, 1973. The
Menkae accused Afwerki of overstepping his bounds by interfering in various
departmental functions, despite the presence of appointed heads. This
accusation is encapsulated in Musie Tesfamichael's criticism, as cited by
Mesfin Hagos (p. 88), where Tesfamichael likened Afwerki's handling of the
revolution to the casual use of a handkerchief,
“You consider the revolution like a handkerchief, you fold it into
your pocket or blow your nose with it when you chose.” The conflict took a
provincial dimension, most of the Menkae group were from the highland province
of Akle Guzai and most of the fighter of PLF 1 at that time were from Hamassein
province by virtue of their location in the province. Traces of this provincial
phenomena still haunts Eritrea.
Haile Menkerios, a new fighter then,
who in 2001 was a member of the G 15, described the division of a revolutionary
front into three distinct groups during the 'Menkae uprising':
The Menkae Group: This faction consisted of educated fighters who criticized the
front's leadership as backward. They advocated for a complete overhaul of the
leadership, promoting scientific socialism as their guiding principle. Their
aim was a national democratic revolution with socialist characteristics,
ultimately leading to communism. This group was strongly leftist, sharing many
beliefs with the general ideology of the front. They viewed the leadership as
feudal and believed Isaias was aligned with feudalist perspective that a change
was necessary.
Solomon’s Group: Originating from the Hamasien region, they initially sided with
the Menkae but later opposed both them and Isaias. Initially, there were claims
of Solomon being targeted for assassination, but his group refrained from
glorifying him. They began to perceive Solomon as indistinguishable from the
rest of the leadership, advocating for change. Eventually, Solomon shifted his
allegiance back to the leadership, helping to form a united front against both
the Menkae and his former supporters. He had a history of fluctuating
alliances, initially attacking the Akele Guzai, then supporting the Menkae, and
ultimately opposing both. Solomon was recognized for his effective
organizational skills and began to imprison fighters.
The Third Group: This faction agreed that the leadership was feudalistic but argued
for a systematic approach to change. They believed that a rapid overhaul would
exacerbate the existing divide between the Hamasien and Akele Guzai regions,
potentially leading to more significant issues. This group sought a more
gradual and strategic approach to leadership transition, aiming to maintain
unity and stability within the front.
Similarly, in 2001, the G15 group,
comprising members of the leadership of the People's Front for Democracy and Justice
(PFDJ), expressed concerns in an open letter. They criticized the President
for acting in an illegal and unconstitutional manner, failing to consult, and
highlighted the lack of oversight by legislative and executive bodies.
Intriguingly, Petros Solomon, who was pardoned in 1973 during the Menkae
movement, found himself again in the midst of controversy as part of the G15.
Similarly, Mesfin Hagos, who had previously supported the PLF leadership's
severe measures against the Menkae, joined the 2001 group, echoing similar
demands for reform. The reformists of 1973 stated that it was important to form
mass organizations and recruit through them to reduce the problem of enemy spies
infiltrating the organization and indicated there was no unit established to
address this issue. Ironically the unit called, Halawa Sowra (guardians
of the revolution) was established after their purge and this unit became the
main instrument of Isaias’s consolidation of power in the EPLF.
The Menkae criticised the leadership
of the PLF, for lack of democratic practises, for lack of accountability, for
failures in 7 battles that resulted in unnecessary death of fighters, for
restrictions in the freedom of expression, for intimidation of those who
challenged the leadership, for using force against the masses instead of
dealing with them with respect.
The G15 additionally stated that
confidence of the general membership of the front as well as the general public
in the leadership and the party has been reduced, criticized the disastrous
consequences of the border war with Ethiopia 1998-2000, indicated People want a
transparent, accountable, institutionalized, and legal administration, asked
for guarantee for human and democratic rights of citizens, expressed need for concrete
measures to implement and guarantee their professed aims of establishing a
constitutional government, establishment of a constitutional government through
free and fair elections, and that differences inside the front and the
government to be resolved peacefully, democratically and legally.
It is difficult to predict what
would have happened if the reformists of 1973 would have won and Isaias’s
ambitions were curtailed at an early stage; but one thing is clear, his absence
would have set the Eritrean revolution in the right path.
Isaias created the perception that
he was indispensable to the organization in both 1973 and in 2001. Mesfin Hagos
recalled in his book (p. 234) that he several times thought of killing Isaias because
he had continuously demonized him, but
later did not pursue that goal because as he stated, “at no point I could convince
myself that the revolution could find a replacement for Isaias as half
effective as he.” In 2001, many PFDJ
leaders may have stood with Isaias for the same reasons.
The fate of the reformists of both
1973 and 2001 was similar. As Isaias was not strong enough in 1973, the
presumed ring leaders were arrested, investigated, and tried by committees loyal
to the leadership and the final decision was approved by the leadership of the
PLF. The prominent leaders of the movement were summarily executed. Isaias
made sure since then that no one challenged him and if they did, they were
eliminated. The G 15 members who happened to be in Eritrea and all those who
were suspected to be their supporters have disappeared since their arrest on
the 18th of September of 2001. Most are feared dead. Ten years later
even some of the PFDJ leaders who
demonised the G 15, were suspected of involvement in the army uprising of 2013
and have since disappeared.
In the response Isaias gave to the
reformists of 1973, on lack of democracy. He explained that in a revolutionary
organization, all members of the organization, elect a legislative Council (LC)
that represents them in a democratic way. This Council in turn formulates the
political program and structure of the organization and elects an Executive Committee
(EC), The Legislative Council represents
the highest power. The EC, based on the directives of the LC distributes the
roles and responsibility and functions to each member of the organization. At
the designated dates of the meetings, the EC presents its reports to the LC.
The G 15, in their open letter,
highlighted the irregularities in the functioning of the Executive Committee
and Central Council of the PFDJ (People's Front for Democracy and Justice).
They pointed out that since 1994, the Executive Committee had met only 11 times
instead of the scheduled 84, and the Central Council met just twice during the
three-year war with TPLF, instead of nine times as scheduled. This lack of
regular meetings effectively centralized decision-making power in the hands of
the Chairman, leading to a decline in transparency, accountability, and
democratic processes, particularly evident during the border war with Ethiopia.
But the domination of Isaias did not begin in 2001. Yemane Teklegergish reported that during the 2nd congress of the EPLF's clandestine party in March 1987 Isaias told the participants that the nine central committee (CC) members and two reserve members elected in 1976 never met, not even for a single day, and thus the CC did not do its job. When challenged to explain why the CC did not meet for ten years, Isaias responded by saying there were and still are contradictions among them, and those contradictions had spread to other members, but he did not elaborate what sort of contradictions those were. However, when pressed hard, Isaias told the gathering, “When I say that the CC did not meet, I do not mean that no work was done. Each of the members took instructions from me and worked.” Yemane interprets this to mean that Isaias was telling us he was the only one who worked in the party and the EPLF.
This narrative draws attention to
the cyclical nature of political dissent and reform within the context of the
Eritrean liberation struggle, highlighting the enduring issues of leadership,
governance, and accountability.
The 2001, G 15 open letter to all
PFDJ members in Tigrinya:
http://www.snitna.com/docs/Open_Letter_to_PFDJ_Members_by_G_15_tigrinya.pdf
The 2001, G 15 open letter to all PFDJ members in English:
http://www.snitna.com/docs/Open_Letter_to_All_PFDJ_Members_by_G_15_english.pdf
https://hedgait.blogspot.com/2023/11/haile-menkerios-on-plf-leadership.html
https://hedgait.blogspot.com/2016/03/1973-plf-2-isaiass-group-version-on-so.html
Mesfin Hagos with Awet
Tewelde Weldemichael, 2023. An African Revolution Reclaimed: A memoir of
an Eritrean Freedom, Red Sea Press
Teklegergish, Yemane, My Experience with the Eritrean
People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), Part 2 (Germany: 2018).
