Tuesday, 30 December 2014

Eritrea in 2014, continued to be the country of increased NOs and miseries, hope we will make 2015 Better

Eritrea in 2014, continued to be the country of increased NOs and miseries, hope we will make 2015 Better

My thoughts are with those who still suffer in various prisons of the PFDJ and those who are still held hostage by human traffickers, and those who live in insecure refugee camps in Sudan, Yemen and other countries. May all those who lost their lives trying to cross Eritrea or on their way to their destinations rest in peace and may God give comfort to their families. 2014 was the year of great losses, miseries and disappointments. We lost many veterans of the Eritrean revolution who struggled most part of their lives but couldn’t even get burial place in the country they fought for. Among those we lost are Ahmed Nasser, Hamid Saleh Turki, Ahmed Adem Omer, Omer Mahmoud Ibrahim, Dini Ismael Ali, Memhir Ogbamichael Mesmer, Omer Jabir and we heard about the death of Sheikh Ahmed Faras who died in prison at the age of 87.  Dr. Tewolde Tesfamariam (Wedi Vaccaro) who dissociated himself from the regime after the Lampadusa tragedy and was able to rally many youth around him, passed away. We lost many lives leaving Eritrea. 

We failed to agree and we failed our people by not being able to dismantle the regime. The ENCDC was a disappointment. Medrekh (old EPLF’s leaders Forum) did not make any qualitative addition.  The EYSNS which was supposed to be a worldwide youth movement was high jacked and turned into a group political movement; though I believe people have the right to organize in the way they see it, fit. The Lowlands League was launched a civic society whose impact is yet to be seen. The activities of the opposition were much less than those in 2013.  Without undermining Awate.com and others contribution, Assenna.com and Amanuel Eyassu deserve a special mention for the interviews conducted with Pilot Dejen Ande Hishel and Yemane T/giorgish and the rest of interviews.


As 2014 unfolds, I remain utterly optimistic about the future in Eritrea, as I was in 2013. I have no other option, yet more cautious. Wish you all and your beloved, a better 2015. 

Monday, 29 December 2014

Names of those elected in the 1st Eritrean Parliamentary Election 1952

Results of 1st Assembly elections 1952

1. Abdulkader Kahsay (Acria ) Asmara             AU*

2. Abdu Sheikh Aki Drar (Harabso) Senhit       AU

3. Abbai Gulcia (Dembelas) Seraie                    UP*

4.  Abdella Abdurrahman Osman Seid (Tio) Dankalia

5.  Berhanu Ahmeddin (Gheza Berhanu, Gheza Banda) Asmara

6.  Ali Mohammed Musa Radai (Asfeda) AU WP Keren

7.  Ali Umer Fiingia (Idda Gaeso) AU Senafe

8.  Diakon Asfaha Kahsay (Tsilima) UP Seraie

9.  Asmerom Weldegiorgis Addi Keih AU Akele Guzai

10. Beiene Zahaly Addi Keih UP Akele Guzai

11. Berhe Amerom AU Meareba Akele Guzai

12. Bezabeh Tesfabrukh AU Gundet Seraie

13. Blatta Demsas Weldemikael UP (abashawul) Asmara

14. Keshi Dimetros Gebremariam UP (Medri wedi Sebera) Seraie

15. Embaye Gebreamlak UP (Anseba) Hamasien

16. Embaye Habteamlak UP (Betawqe) Keren

17. Faid Tinga Longhi AU (Kunama) Barka

18. Deg Gebrezghi Guangul Haiet UP (Quaetit) Akele Guzai

19. Azm. Gebretensae Biedu UP (Hazega) Hamasien

20. Kegn Hadgu Ghilagaber UP (Seharti) Hamasien

21. Abba Habtemariam Nuguru UP (Anager) Seraye

22. Kegn Hadgembes Kuflom UP (Mereta) Akele Guzai)

23. Hamed Said Osman AU (Nacfa) Sahel

24. Blatta Habtezghi Ogbazghi UP (Haddish Adi) Asmara

25. Fit Haregot Abbay UP (Kebeabi, Deki Teshim ) Hamasien

26. Hassen Ibrahim Mahmud AU Keren

27. Hassen Bashay Kafel Mesmer AU (Mensae) Senhit

28. Yassin Hassen Naib AU (Hrgigo) Massawa

29. Yassin Mamud Batoq AU Massawa

30. Ibrahim Hummed Arey AU. Keren

31. Ibrahim Sultan AU (Rugbat) Keren

32. Idris Muhammed Adem AU. (Bet Maela, Adorob, Elit, Nabtat) Agordat

33. Idris Osman M.Schibbul AU. (Maria Keayah) Nacfa

34. Mesfun Gebrihiwot UP (Medeber) Asmara

35. Mohammed el Hassen Kelay AU Agordat

36. Mohammed Omar Akito AU Assab

37. Mohammed Said Ali Bey AU. (Adi Keih) Akele Guzai

38. Mohammed Said Mohammed Haseno AU (Assaurta ) Sahel

39. Mohammed Adem Osman AU(Maria Tselam ) Sahel

40. Nazir Osman Abdurrahman AU. Agordat

41. Redda Guangul UP (Senafe) Akeøe Guzai

42. Said Sefaf Idris AU(Ghinda) Semhar

43. Tuccue Fikre UP (Cohain) Seraie

44. Teklehaimanot Bokhru UP (Ingena Afelba) Akele Guzai

45. Tedla Bairu Ogbit (Karneshim) UP Hamasien

46. Tesfagiorgis Ghebretensae UP (Hazega) Hamasien

47. Azm. Tesfat Berakhy UP Hamsien

48. Tesfamikael Worku UP Seraie

49. Kegn Weldeyohannes Gebrezghi UP (Adi Ugri) Seraie

50. Werede Beyn UP (Dimbezan) Hamasien

51. Tzegay Weldegebriel UP (Guh Tchea) Seraie

52. Azmach Berakhy UP Seraie

53. Azm Weldemikael Berakhy ,UP (Sefea, Liban Habela) Seraie

54. ibrahim Mahmud Idris AU Sahel

55. Ato Abreha Wonderas UP Keren

56. Sheik Hamid Sayid Hamid -- AU Keren


REPORT ON ELECTIONS FOR THE FIRST ASSEMBLY OF ERITREA Nomination Day - MARCH 26. 1952 
the 12 missing nmes will be updated in due time

AU* = Anti-unionist
UP* = Unionist
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Info courtesy of Jelal Yassin

What do we know about Walaa Bet Ghiorgis: A historic meeting or a fiasco

What do we know about the «Party of Love of Country (PLC)» - Mahber Figri Hager and Walaa Bet Ghiorghis: Was there a Walaa after all? Was it a historic meeting or a fiasco? This note is an attempt to give a summary

According to Jordan Gebre-Medhin, after the defeat of Italy, Eritrean intellectuals of the time met regularly to discuss the future of the country and in 1941 formed the PLC. At the founding congress, the following were elected to head the Party: Gebre-Meskel Woldu, President; Abdul Kadir Kebire, vice president; and Haregot Abbay (only one from the nobility), general secretary. Among the Central Committee members were: Wolde-Ab Wolde-Mariam, Ibrahim Sultan, Mesgina Gebre-Egzi, Mohamed Omer Kadi and Berhanu Ahmedin, The PLC represented a new emerging class and the leadership reflected a cross-section of the Eritrean society. During the first few years, Ethiopia had no connection with Eritrean groups except with Orthodox Church. The traditional ruling classes were not organized then.

Prior to Ethiopian decolonization in 1944, Ethiopia’s interests in Eritrea was represented by Abuna Markos, Head of the Eritrean Orthodox Church, but with British rule, the Ethiopian state acted vigorously in Eritrea. By then there were over 100,000 Eritreans in Ethiopia some of whom were brought as technicians and administrators with the Italian invasion. They were highly trained by the standards of Ethiopia,  in 1944 the Ethiopian Government mobilized those Eritreans and formed the “Society for the Unification of Eritrea and Ethiopia” (SUEE) in Ethiopia. Thus the Ethiopian state had laid the cornerstone of the Eritrean Unionist Party. In 1946 Ethiopia sent a security officer as Ethiopian Liaison Officer in Eritrea. As the interests of Abuna Markos was opposed to the PLC, the Church made concerted effort to discredit the organization. The pro-Ethiopian advance made by SUEE and Abuna Markos in Kebessa was challenged in the eastern part of Akle Guzai by an independence movement led by Ras Tsemma Asberom and his son Abraha Tessema.The SUEE succeeded to split the PLC into 2 factions: Unionist (Gebre-Meskel Woldu and Omer kadi) and pro-independence (Ibrahim Sultan and Woldeab).

During that period, with the help of Ethiopia, Unionist terrorist youth targeted Muslims in general, Jeberti shops, Arab shops and property and the Muslim-Christian hostility reached a climax. Thus the Muslim-Christian hostility, the split of the PLC, the ongoing confusion in the administrative apparatus of rural society (traditional rulers were losing authority) made the Eritrean people look hopelessly divided, weak and disorganized. It was an attempt to reverse this trend the idea of the Walaa was conceived.

The Walaa (Nov 1946 & how Ethiopia & fundamentalist Unionists killed it)
The idea of the Walaa was a brain child of Wolde-Ab. He approached the leader of pro-Ethiopian faction of the PLC, Gebre-Meskel Woldu to open a dialogue between the two factions with the hope to establish a united front. Gebre-Meskel agreed so the planning started. The lowland politicians and Ibrahim Sultan endorsed the Walaa but refrained from participating in it. Also missing in the discussions were the traditional rulers. Thus the Eritrean intellectuals began to meet and formulated a 12 point agreement. The lowland politicians were contacted only the agreement was formulated. Ibrahim Sultan asked why they were not consulted during the formative period. The response he got was “We had neither the time nor the manpower to chase and locate nomads to inform them about Walaa meetings. This is especially true since we know little about pastoralist season movements.” Ethiopia was kept in the dark during those negotiations. Jordan states one of the greatest weakness of the dislocated, urbanised intellegensia was the lack of direct and organisational link with the masses. This was true about the kebessa politicians. This lack of link weakened  the Walaa initiatives. The end result of the 12 point agreement required Ethiopia to recognize an autonomous Eritrea with all democratic rights, including freedom of press, language, religion and right to form political parties. 

Gebre-Meskel Woldu was elected as the official representative and chair of the Walaa agreement. When Ethiopia knew about the Walaa, they worked fully to abort it for they wanted nothing less than full union. The Ethiopian agent in Ethiopia Col. Negga mobilised Unionist notables to abort the meeting. Tedla Bairu played a major role to sabotage the meeting. Ethiopia instructed its Eritrean agents to attend the meeting and fail it. The day the Walaa was opened, the meeting was tense and far from conciliatory and peaceful. The official representatives of the PLC independence faction was led by Hassen Ali, Berhanu Ahmedin, Omer Safig, Tsehaye Abraha, Gebre-Meskel Baraki, Abraha Tessema and Wolde-Ab who took their seats. The newy assembled Unionist faction who were Hadgu Gillagaber, Hagos Berhe, Demsas Wolde-Michael and Tedla Bairu came late. They were followed by the now defeated Gebre-Meskel Woldu and his disgraced compatriots of the 12-point agreement. In addition a number of youth and hooligan elements supporters of Col. Nega came to the conference visibly armed.

After the opening ceremony, the pro-Ethiopia group moved to the table the agreed upon agenda. A combination of threat, intimidation and force was used to achieve this end. The first to speak was Demsas Wolde-Michael who appealed to the pro-independence faction to come to their senses to renounce their infantile dreams of autonomous Eritrea and to unite with Ethiopia, Tedla Bairu endorsed that and made personal attacks on Wolde-Ab. Gebre-Meskel Woldu feeling defeat endorsed the proposal, too. It was clear he was forced to change his position. With his reversal of his stand, the ideals of the Walaa came to an end.

Ibrahim Sultan, who refused to join the planning of the Walaa, but nevertheless attended the meeting at Bet Ghirgis, condemned “This Christain conspiracy that sold Eritrea to the wolf,” and vowed to found an organ that would fight Abyssinian Great Tradition treachery. In December 1946 he helped establish the Muslim League of Eritrea. The Jeberti, Saho, and Massawa intellectuals who felt betrayed by the Christian politicians withdrew from Kebessa politics, Led by Berhau Ahmedin, they joined Ibrahim Sultan in founding the Muslim League.
While the Christian pro-independence leaders within PLC were to wander without political focus. While they resented the compromise of Eritrean national politics by founding of the religiously based Muslim League, they were unable to come with working alternatives.
In the end, the disruption of the Walaa by Ethiopia and its loyal unionists brought the fragmentation of Eritrean politics and thus several parties emerged.
-----------------------------------------------------------


The most significant if unintended outcome of the Bayt Ghiorgis fiasco was the emergence of the Muslim League (ML). Evoking the impetus provided by developments around the Bayt Ghiorgis gathering, Ibrahim Sultan, the principal organizer and leader of the Muslim League, later recounted: ‘I sat patiently for hours listening to the interminable bickering [between Tedla Bairu, Waldeab Waldemariam and their supporters]. When I finally lost patience and got up to leave, blatta Demsas insisted that I take the floor arguing that the Muslims had not been heard from yet.’He agreed to do so reluctantly, suggesting that if the organizers were genuinely interested in having a national conference they should annul the meeting and call for a new, more representative gathering. But ‘my plea was met with derision so I left and retired to my office where I prepared a draft of what would eventually become the core programme of the Muslim League’. The centerpiece of the draft programme was a call for Eritrean independence, and after sharing it with other Muslim bilingual intellectuals and notables in Asmara, including Abdulkadir Kebire, Hajj Suleiman and Dejjach Hassan Ali, the draft programme was distributed at the Friday prayers in all the main mosques of the country

------------
Source: Culture and agency in a colonial public sphere: religion and the anti-colonial imagination in 1940s Eritrea by Fouad Mekk


Postage stamp: The poor Camel under Italian colonialism and under the yoke of the PFDJ



Sunday, 28 December 2014

A rare picture of Gebrehiwet wedi Himberti left Mahmoud Chekini in the middle and Jawed Meresae to the left

A rare picture of Gebrehiwet wedi Himberti to the left and Mahmoud Chekini in the middle and Jaed Meresae to the right
Old

Ai-enhanced 


A rare picture of Gebrehiwet wedi Himberty to the left and Mahmoud Chekini, in the middle and Jawed Merese to the right. May god bless their souls. According to the info I got the photo was taken in December 1970 in Tahera conference which was postponed because of the Ethiopian attacks and later held in Khor- Deiba in February- March 1971, it is known as Awate conference. Awate was the name of the ELF Commando training centre in Deiba. We have lost so many heroes and we are not yet free.

Picture: Courtesy of Ibrahim Gedem

A historic picture of martyrs Abdulkader Ramadan to the left and Hadish Woldegeorgis to the right

A historic picture of martyrs Abdulkader Ramadan to the left and Hadish Woldegeorgis to the right





A historic picture of martyrs Abdulkader Ramadan to the left and Hadish Woldegeorgis to the right. Abdulkader Ramadan and his comrades were killed in 1977 by the so-called Fallol in Dankalia , among the fighters killed with him were Ali Mohamed Ibrahim (ELF Revolutionary Council member), Wad Alf, Abdulkader Raji, Halaka and Mulugeta. Hadish was killed in 1976, on the outskirts of Asmara on the Keren road, togther with Mahmoud Ibrahim (Kidwee) and Nur Mohammed Hankil . Despite all accusations from Isaias and his clique, such was the ELF in its diversity and spectrum of colors.

Picture: Courtesy of Ibrahim Gedem

Historic picture: Debrom Meresie Kidane (Debrom Tuluq) to the left and Seid Saleh to the right at vicinity of Mendefera 1977

Historic picture: Debrom Meresie Kidane (known as Debrom Tuluq in the ELF) to the left and Seid Saleh to the right at the vicinity of Mendefera 1977
A historical picture of two Eritrean heroes, martyrs Debrom Tuluq to the left and Seid Saleh to the right. According to my source, this picture was taken in the vicinity of Mendefera, days before the battle for its liberation was launched by the ELF in August 1977. Debrom was the head of 40 fedayeen who stormed the castle on the 24th of August, which successfully terminated the operation of the town. All the 40 Fedayeen, including Debrom, were martyred. Debrom was one of the ELF fighters trained in Cuba. They were were killed after paralyzing the well-entrenched enemy force. In that battle, Ethiopia lost 450 killed and 800 soldiers taken prisoners. The ELA took possession of 2 tanks, 20 vehicles, over 430 heavy, medium and light weapons and others military ware. Hamid Mahmoud was the member of the military staff who led the battle. Martyr Seid Saleh was from the second group that was trained in China. He was brutally killed in Kassala in 1983 by the death squad of the EPLF.

According to a close relative of Debrom, he was born in Meqerka and had five brothers and sisters: Nigisti, martyrs Abrahaly and Zakarias, the late Hajer, and Akhberet 

Picture: Courtesy of Ibrahim Gedem

Picture: Demonstration against the UN Federal Act in Asmara 1950

Picture: Demonstration against the UN Federal Act in Asmara 1950

60 years back we had the right to demonstrate, today we do not have even the right to simply live in peace. Today one needs permission to move from one part of a town to another. What a tragedy?

Thanks to Jelal Yassin for sharing

صورة تاريخية تجمع خيرة الشباب الارتري في نهاية عام١٩٧٢

صورة تاريخية تجمع خيرة الشباب الارتري في نهاية عام١٩٧٢
هذه صورة تاريخية تجمع خيرة الشباب الارتري في نهاية عام١٩٧٢ الذي وهب كل مايملك من اجل الثورة التي اختطفها الطاغيه وزبانيته وهم في رحلة العودة إلى الميدان بالمركب من عدن والصورة في وسط البحر الأحمر في رحلة اخذت سبعة ايام حتى الشواطيئ السودانية كانو اكثر من 40 مناضل في مؤخرة الصورة من اولاد كفل اغردات والثاني الشهيد علي جامع االجالسين عثمان زرؤم الشهيد ادريس رمضان الشهيد جمال محمد عبدالله الشهيد عثمان ابو عفان حامد ابوبكر الشهيد محمد عمر ادم وفي مقدمة الصورة ادم احمد حبيب نسأل الله الرحمة للشهداء والصحة والعافية لمن على قيد الحياة
شكرا للمناضل ابراهيم قدم الذي رافقهم في الرحلة والذي قدم لنا الصورة والاسماء

Picture: Martyr Abdulgadir Idris Kerar

Martyr Abdulgadir Idris Kerar

الشهيدعبدالقادر ادريس كرارمن شؤهداء الحركة الطلابية:
كان الشهيد واحد من سته خرييجين من جامعة الخرطوم دفعة ١٩٧٩التحقو بالميدان حسب قرارات الاتحاد العام لطلبة ارتريا انذاك. وقد تم توزيع المجموعة علي الاجهزة بعد حضورهم دورة سبتمبرالسياسية الشهيرة ذالك العام. عمل الشهيد في مكتب التعليم حتي قيام تحالف الجبهة الشعبيه والوياني بالهجوم الكبير علي الجبهة عام ١٩٨٠كان الشهيد من ضمن المناضلين الذين تم سسحبهم من الا جهزة علي عجل وضمهم للجيش وقد استشهد في تلك المعارك

Picture: The Central Committee of the General Union of Eritrean Women affiliated to the ELF

Before Isias Afworki and his clique took control of the EPLF and allied with TPLF to drive the ELF to Sudan, got full control of the country and tried to erase our struggle memory and re-program it, the ELF had a strong Women movement the General Union of Eritrean Women: This is a picture of the Central Committe after the 2nd Congress held in Aliet

  • Sitting from right: the late Zeinb Emantu, Almaz Waldu, Elsa Waldeselassie, , my late wife: Fatma Saaddin, Nessrit Karar, Fatma Saleh, Medhaniet Waldeselassie, martyr Aberhet Abraha

    Standing from right the late Adhanet Andu, Bekita Adem, Alem , Nafisa Moh. Berhan, Nura Said, the late Fatma Mahmoudai, Elsa Mesfun, Tzega Woldemariam, Amna Melkin, Haregu Gebreeyesus, Arafat Omer, Asgedt Mehretab and last Gumaa Omer

    May God bless all those who passed away and give healthy long life to those living

    Thanks to Ibrahim Gedem for providing the picture and most of the names

  • Secretariat of the 1st congress of General Union of Eritrean Women (GUEW)
    Far left is Elsa Woldeselassie, the late Fatma Saadadin, Nura Seid, Alganesh Gerezgiher and Alem

    Courtesy of Ibrahim Gedem

Sudanese cartoon on elections

A man and his wife: The woman asks her husband, "What is an election campaign".
Her husband answers, "You know before we married, I made many promises to you, I said I buy you, this and that." It is just like that.

Old historic picture of some of the veterans of the Eritrean armed struggle



Saturday, 27 December 2014

Tekie Asehun interview with UoA Graduation Bulletin 2014

Tekie Asehun interview with UoA Graduation Bulletin 2014
There is hardly any person who had something to do with the University of Asmara since independence who does not know Dr. Tekie Asehun, a great human being, an academic and administrative icon at the University. His life story always fascinated me. He was born into a rich family but lost both his parents in one week time and ended up in an orphanage, yet he made it to the University. This is his interview with the Graduation Bulletin 2014. I am glad that he made it to safety, at last

الرسائل المتبادلة بين النبي – صلي الله عليه وسلم – والنجاشي ملك الحبشة


الرسائل المتبادلة بين النبي – صلي الله عليه وسلم – والنجاشي ملك الحبشة: المصدر زاد الميعاد المجلد الثالث ص 600 منشور في كتاب " المسلمين الأثيوبين من 615 الي 1700 تاريخ اضطهاد وكفاح " باللعة الامهرية


تمثل دخول ألأسلام في هذه المنطقة في وصول عدد صغير من المهاجرين من الصحابة (12 فردا) في العام الخامس من البعثة النبوية أي عام 615 م عن طريق البحر الأحمر. بعد كل الايذا الذي تعرض له الصحابة في قريش رأف النبي – صلي الله عليه وسلم – بحالهم فقرر اول هجرة في الأسلام فاختار ان يذهب الصحابة للحبشة وقال عن ملكها " ان بها ملك لآ يظلم عنده أحد" وختار النبي بين المهاجرين ابنته رقية وزوحها عثمان بن عفان وج...عفر بن ابي طالب وعبد الرحمن بن عوف وأم حبيبة رملة بنت سفيان. وقضو شهري شعبان ورمضان هناك. وعندما سمعو بأن المشركين في مكة قبلو الأسلام عادو ولكن اتضحي لهم بأن هذه المعلومات غير صحيحة دخل القليلين منهم مكة أم البقية عادو من جديد في الهجرة الثانية بطلب من الرسول وكانو 83 رجلا و 18 أمرأة.
غير أن الوصول الفعلي للإسلام إلى هذه المنطقة جاء عن طريق محورين رئيسيين،

المحور البحري
أحتلت الدولة الأموية تحت قيادة الخليفة عبد الملك ابن مروان جزر (دهلك) قرب الشاطئ في عام 700م وقد كانت جزر دهلك عند خلافة عمر بن عبد العزيز (717 -720) كسجن. واتخذت الدعوة الإسلامية طرق التجارة، فانتشرت تحت جناح السلم. وظهرت جاليات عربية مسلمة في مدن الساحل مثل (باضع وزيلع وبربرة)، وبدأ نفوذ الدعوة ينتقل إلى الداخل في السهول الساحلية، وفي عمق الحبشة ، وما أن حل القرن الثالث الهجري حتي ظهرت إمارات إسلامية في النطاق الشرقي، وفي الجنوب الشرقي من الحبشة، ودعم هذا الوجود الإسلامي، هجرة بعض الجماعات العربية. وزاد اعتناق أبناء البلاد للإسلام فظهرت سبع إمارات إسلامية في شرقي الحبشة وجنوبها وهي (دوارو، وابديني، وهدية، وشرخا ،وبالي، ودارة وإمارة شوا وهي الإمارة السابقة عليها جميعاً). وان تأريخ استعمال اللغة العربية في هذه المنطقة يعود الي ذالك التأريخ.

المحور البري
جاء بالإسلام من الشمال، فبعد فتح مصر استمر تقدم الإسلام نحو الجنوب وقامت قبيلة (البجاة) أو البجة الذين تمتد أرضهم من حدود مصر الجنوبية حتى حدود ارتريا بنقل الدين عبر هذا المحور الشمالي. ولقد. وتقدم الإسلام إلى عيذاب وسواكن وتجاوزهما إلى الجنوب، والتقى المحوران في أرض الحبشة.

Picture: Tribal chieftains of the Eritrean lowlands meeting with representatives of the British Military Administration, in Keren, 1949

Tribal chieftains of the Eritrean lowlands meeting with representatives of the British Military Administration, in Keren, 1949
Picture: Courtesy of Jelal Yassin


Picture: Tedla Bairu bowing to the Emperor

Tedla Bairu bowing to the Emperor
Picture: Courtesy of Jelal Yassin

Tedla Bairu, Dejazmatch (1914-1984): Eritrea's first Chief Executive and leader of the Unionist Party, Tedla Bairu was born in Gheremi, Hamasien. He attended the Swedish Evangelical Mission School in Asmara until 1926 and was one of the very few Eritreans to study in Italy, where he graduated from the Istituto Magistrale in Florence in 1933. He was a teacher and then director of Italian "native" schools until 1940, ending this career in Adwa, where he was employed by the British Administration as an interpreter in 1941. He served as a translator in the Asmara Native Affairs Office of the BMA until 1946, and was the first director of the Semunawi Gazetta, a newspaper published during British Administration. Tedla was not in Asmara when the Mahber Figri Hager (MFH) was founded in May 1941, but he became involved in the organization upon his return to Eritrea. Tedla Bairu did not support Eritrean independence, and instead became a vocal advocate of the pro-Ethiopian unionist cause.
He left the BMA in late 1946, and at the Bet-Ghiorghis meeting in November he led the Unionist wing of the MFH in rejecting Weldeab's proposed compromise. With Ethiopian support, Tedla replaced Gebremeskel Weldu as Secretary-General of what became the Unionist Party in January 1947. Tedla led this organization through the 1940s, addressing various UN bodies, editing the Unionist newspaper Etiopia and mobilizing sectarian and regionalist interests for the Unionist cause. Described by his opponents as an "opportunist," Tedla's unwavering Unionist position and personal patronage network led to his unopposed election to the first Eritrean Assembly for his home district of Karneshim in March, 1952. He was elected President of the Assembly in April and became Eritrea's first Chief Executive when the Federation established. In 1953, Tedla worked hand-inhand with Ethiopian authorities to destroy Eritrea's independent institutions. He refused to consult with the Eritrean Assembly concerning the budget, and undermined the independence of the Police and judiciary. At the same time, Tedla tried to use Eritrea's autonomous institutions to develop an Eritrean power base for himself independent of Emperor Haile Selassie's share of custom revenues by Ethiopia and sought independent economic relationships with Italian capitalists. He came into conflict with the Emperor's representative, Andargachew Messai, and by 1955 had alienated both his Ethiopian patrons and his Eritrean compatriots.
In July he resorted to the imposition of a British Administration emergency law suspending habeas corpus and closed the Eritrean Assembly, citing a resurgence of Shifta (Banditry) activity. This measure backfired, however, and on July 28, 1955, the Emperor forced his resignation. This was celebrated as a victory by Eritrean independents, but in reality Tedla's fall only further undermined Eritrean autonomy by destroying what little independence the Unionist Party had maintained. According some who knew him, Tedla already had become "disillusioned" with the Federation by 1955, and his ambiguous commitment to Eritrean autonomy led to his increasing support for the Eritrean nationalist movement in the 1960s.
After leaving his post as the Chief Executive of Eritrea, the Emperor posted Tedla Bairu to Sweden as Ethiopian ambassador for a period of years before he was recalled to Addis Ababa and later retired into the Ethiopian senate from which he defected to the ELF in 1967. That year, he was appointed to the Supreme Council of ELF and made a number of nationalist radio broadcasts on behalf of the front and later Osman Saleh Sabbe's (one of the ELF's prominent leadership) General Secretariat, but this was purely a symbolic role. His son, Herui Tedla Bairu, on the other hand, became very active in ELF politics. Tedla continued to live in Stockholm until his death in 1984.
Source: Biographical notes in “Eritrean Assembly” by Anwar Seid Suleiman

عن اللغة العربية في إريتريا: لكم اريترتكم ولنا اريتريتنا

عن اللغة العربية في إريتريا: لكم اريترتكم ولنا اريتريتنا
كلما كان هناك بوست عن الجذور التاريخية للغة العربية في إريتريا ، ينط صديقي هابتوم يوهانس تاركا قبعته الصحفية و يلبس واحدة مختلفة وينضم اليه بعض الآخرين في محاولة لتقويض دورها و إلقاء المحاضرات علينا على اللغة التي يجب ان نستخدامها. إريتريا مثل يمعظم البلدان الأفريقية هي خليق مصطنع من قبل الايطاليين . أعتقد أن المشكلة تكمن في حقيقة أنه عندما نتحدث عن إريتريا نعني أجزاء مختلفة من إريتريا؛ اثنين أو ربما ثلاثة أو حتى أربعة . المنخفضاة والأجزاء الساحلية من إريتريا حيث تم إدخال اللغة العربية و استخدامها منذ أكثر 1000 سنة، و التي لها صلات مع مملكة البجا والدول العربية عبر البحر الأحمر . المرتفعات التي كانت أكثر ذات صلة بمملكة أكسوم و بين الأراضي ما هو شمال إثيوبيا اليوم ، حيث لم تستخدم اللغة العربية من قبل الجماهير ولكن من قبل الحكام في التخاطب مع القوى المجاورة. كان للعفر سلطنات مستقلة خاصة بهم على البحر الأحمر . يمكنك أن تأخذ الكوناما ككيان منفصل. وهكذا كل مجموعة من منا لديه إريتريا خاصة به ، ولكن نحن مرتبطين قبل كل شيء بهذا البلد إريتريا ونحن نشارك في تاريخ كل الأجزاء. إذا كنا نريد أن نحافظ عليها نحن بحاجة إلى احترام خيارات كل منما من دون الحاجة إلى الأبوة . خلاف ذلك كل واحد منا لديه جزءخاص به

On the official languages in Eritrea

On the official languages in Eritrea


Whenever there is a post on the historical roots of the Arabic language in Eritrea, some  try to undermine its role and lecture on us on what language to use. Eritrea like most African countries is an artificial creation by the Italians. Arabic in the region precedes the existence of the entity called, Eritrea and has nothing to do with the Rashaida who came to Eritrea the last two hundred years. I think the problem lies in the fact that when we talk about Eritrea we mean different parts of Eritrea; Two or perhaps three or even four. The lowlands and the coastal parts of Eritrea where Arabic has been introduced and in use more than 1000 years and which had links to the Beja Kingdom and to Arabia across the Red Sea. The highlands which was more related to the Axumite kingdom and inter-land of what is Northern Ethiopia today, where Arabic was not used by the masses but by the rulers in corresponding with the neighbouring powers. The Afar Sultanates on the Red Sea had their own independent rule. You can take the Kunama as a separate entity. Thus each group of us has its own Eritrea, but we are all tied by this country called Eritrea and we share the history of all the parts. If we want to keep it intact we need to respect each other’s choices without the need of parenting; otherwise each one of us has its own mini-Eritrea.

My mother tongue is Tigrayet (commonly known as Tigre). I am proud of my language and even regard it much richer than Tigrinya, at least in terms of poetry (Enno Littmann’s large collection of Tigre poetry in collaboration with Nefae wed Utman in the early 1900 is a testimony to that). I am also proud of all other Eritrean languages. I do not consider myself an Arab, but Arabic defines part of my Eritrean cultural identity. I strongly believe that both Arabic and Tigrinya be reinstated as Eritrea’s official languages not negating that all Eritrean languages need to be developed and used in public discourse. When in 1952, the issue of languages was discussed in the Eritrean Assembly, the members voted first for Tigrinya unanimously, but when the issue of Arabic came, the Unionists were against it and there was a standstill. Mohamed Omer Hakito said a compromise was reached between the Unionists who accepted Arabic and in return the Anti-Unionists  accepted that  presence of the Emperor's representative  in Eritrea

An old postage stamp from Ethiopia 1936 with the name Abyssinia written in Arabic

An old postage stamp from Ethiopia 1936 with the name Abyssinia written in Arabic