Hedgait هيدقايت ሄድጋይት
A digital archive on Eritrea and Ethiopia in particular and on the Horn of Africa, in general
Wednesday, 11 November 2026
The Great Red Sea War: Conflicts, Chokepoints and New Strategic Corridors by MedOr Italian Foundation
Sunday, 27 September 2026
تحالف المجموعات المسلحة الجديد في إثيوبيا يواجه مشكلة قديمة
تحالف المجموعات المسلحة الجديد في إثيوبيا يواجه مشكلة قديمة
توحّد خصوم سابقون ضد آبي أحمد، لكن
الخلافات بشأن الأراضي والسلطة والقيادة قد تمزّق تحالفهم.
بقلم محمد خير عمر
كاتب وباحث مقيم في النرويج، يركّز
على شؤون القرن الأفريقي.
ترجمة لمقال نُشر في قسم الأراء في الجزيرة الإنجليزية
https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2026/9/25/ethiopias-new-rebel-alliance-faces-an-old-problem
25
سبتمبر 2026
يشكّل قيام تحالف مسلح جديد يسعى إلى إطاحة رئيس الوزراء آبي أحمد امتداداً لنمط ابتُليت به إثيوبيا لعقود، وهي إمبراطورية تضم أمماً وقوميات عديدة، ولا يزال بناؤها السياسي غير مكتمل. لا يترك أصحاب السلطة مساحة تُذكر للنضال السياسي السلمي؛ فالفائز يستأثر بكل شيء، ومن يشعرون بالتهميش يحملون السلاح لتغيير الوضع القائم. تتبدل الأطراف والتحالفات بمرور الوقت، لكن العنف يظل القاسم الثابت بينها
https://www.mediafire.com/file/ls90xktaptwnjdo/تحالف+المجموعات+المسلحة+الجديد+في+إثيوبيا+.pdf/file
Saturday, 26 September 2026
Sub-Saharan Africa: Energy Transition Outlook 2025
Sub-Saharan Africa: Energy Transition Outlook 2025
- - Fossil fuels account for 43% and biomass (predominantly used in cooking and water heating) accounts for 53% of primary energy supply in 2024. Roughly four out of five households lack access to clean cooking (IEA, 2025).
- - Sub-Saharan Africa holds 85% of the global population without electricity – 588 million people (World Bank, 2025a). One-third live in Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Ethiopia (IRENA, 2025). Due to unreliable grids, back-up generators are widely used, with high diesel costs (IFC, 2019).
- - Vast solar, wind and hydropower potential offer great opportunities for renewable power. The gap between financing needs and actual flows remains substantial. Over the last 20 years, the region accounted for 2% of global renewable energy investments (UNSDG, 2025). Installed renewables capacity reached 71 GW in 2024.
- - Climate change risks range from erratic precipitation patterns to severe drought. Torrential rains and severe flooding affected nearly seven million people in 2024 (UNOCHA, 2024) and insurance coverage is limited. Nigeria’s 2022 floods caused USD 4.2 billion losses (German Watch, 2025).
Pointers to the future
- - Energy agendas focus on developing oil and gas reserves, transitioning cooking away from conventional biomass, and expanding renewables in the electricity system – driven increasingly by falling solar and battery costs.
- - With limited public funding and financially constrained utilities, liberalized markets will be key to attracting electricity investments. Countries like Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, Tanzania, and Uganda, are reforming their electricity sectors to enable independent power producers, supported by the African Union’s work on regulatory harmonization and the African Single Electricity Market (AfSEM) framework for regional integration and cross-border electricity trade.
- - Power projects are benefitting from Chinese technologies and investments, particularly through Belt and Road initiatives which surged to USD 30.5 billion in H1 2025 from USD 6.1 billion in H1 2024 (Nedopil, 2025).
- - High financing costs make concessional finance critical for catalyzing private capital, with the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) playing a role in risk mitigation (DNV, 2025). However, a 7% drop in international aid (OECD, 2025), the dismantling of USAID’s Power Africa, and the US withdrawal from JETPs with South Africa and Senegal, complicate access to finance.
- - Initiatives like the EU Scaling up Renewables in Africa campaign, in collaboration with Mission 300 of the World Bank and African Development Bank (EC, 2025), aim to support energy access. Distributed solar is also growing organically, especially among commercial users seeking alternatives to unreliable and costly grid power.
- - Hydrogen ambitions are at early stages with governments seeking partnerships. Most plans are export-oriented and driven by global partners given fiscal limitations and lack of national subsidies for capital-intensive projects.
https://www.dnv.com/energy-transition-outlook/2025/sub-saharan-africa/
Friday, 18 September 2026
The Horn and Middle Powers: A collection of articles September 2026
The Horn and Middle Powers: A collection of articles
The international order as we have known it for the past eighty years is being dismantled. What is emerging in its place is not yet a new system, but an age of uncertainty: a world increasingly defined by the pursuit of economic advantage, political opportunism, territorial ambition and the growing willingness to use force not as a last resort, but as an instrument of first choice. The emerging logic is simple: create facts on the ground and negotiate afterwards.
Restraint is no longer necessarily rewarded with influence or legitimacy. For now, there is no universally accepted arbitrator of last resort, and the foundational assumption of the post-war era — that collective security depends on a voluntary commitment to common rules — has been weakened. The system was always imperfect and often inconsistently applied. But its erosion carries profound consequences. Now, status and leverage are defined by one’s influence over logistical corridors, energy routes, investments and a role in shaping or controlling conflicts.
In practice, privateering, redolent of the chartered companies of the 17th and 18th centuries, replaces partnership. Regional spheres of influence substitute for global rules of the game. Global cooperation – and hegemony – give way to regional protection rackets. The common language of diplomacy is lost. In this process, geographical visions narrow, fears of encirclement dominate and alliances are transient. Hedging has replaced trust.
Nowhere are these global shifts more consequential and evident than in fragile regions such as the Horn of Africa. The weakening fraying of the old order does not affect all regions equally. Those with the weakest institutions, the most contested states and the greatest strategic importance are the first to experience the consequences. The Horn of Africa is one of the regions where the emerging global disorder is being tested.
It is no coincidence that across much of the region — Sudan, South Sudan, Ethiopia and Somalia — governments struggle to project authority beyond their capitals. Many no longer possess a monopoly over organised violence, nor can they convincingly claim to be the ultimate providers of security or political settlement. In this environment, any actor able to assert local authority, command resources or mobilise armed power can claim a role in determining the future.
The result is the multiplication of centres of power and violence. Non-state actors increasingly compete with governments not only militarily, but politically, claiming legitimacy in their own right. Power and conflict are driven by momentum: advance attracts followers, and control creates its own political reality. New geographies of economics, identity and authority are being created. In this context, even the inherited frontiers of African states can no longer be assumed to be beyond question.
Nothing, therefore, can be excluded in a region already experiencing multiple wars, dangerously close to wider regional confrontation, increasingly abandoned by collective security mechanisms, and drawn into shifting alliances shaped by the adventurism of emerging middle powers.
The relationship between geo-economics and traditional ideas of sovereignty is entering a period of collision. The minerals, energy corridors, ports and supply chains required for the next technological revolution are transforming the strategic value of territories. Control of geography is no longer only about borders; it is about controlling the arteries through which future wealth will flow.
This explains why north-east Africa is increasingly divided between competing externally supported networks of influence. One claims to defend the territorial sovereignty of existing states. Another increasingly prioritises control over strategic corridors, resources and supply chains rather than traditional definitions of territorial authority. Both seek access to mineral wealth, infrastructure and routes to global markets. Both depend on competing local elites.
At the centre of this transformation is the renewed engagement of the Gulf states, Turkey and other regional powers. The commercial, cultural and political ties between the two shores of the Red Sea are not new; they are being revived. What is new is the scale, speed and ambition of this engagement.
This activism represents both an opportunity and a danger. The Gulf states and Turkey now have a far greater role in shaping the future of the Horn of Africa. Their investment, capital, infrastructure capacity and political influence can help transform the region. But if engagement is guided only by short-term advantage, competition for resources or relationships with narrow elites, the consequences will be destabilising.
Lessons learned through error in this region are rarely inexpensive. They are paid for in human lives, as the April 2023 war in Sudan and the Tigray war in Ethiopia have already demonstrated.
The decisions being made today will shape countries whose demographic future will transform their politics. A young African generation is emerging with expectations of opportunity, dignity and participation. That generation will not accept that its future has been mortgaged through opaque agreements made by self-appointed elites acting in the name of entire nations. Without a broader social contract, they will have limited durability. The future will depend on whether their leaders and external partners create investments that strengthen societies rather than simply extract value from them.
The alternative is fragmentation, resistance and revolt.
All of this is happening precisely when the international guardrails designed to manage instability have weakened. Commitments are uncertain. Domestic politics everywhere are more volatile. Regional relationships no longer guarantee security. Even the wealthiest states face limits on their ability to absorb costs and guarantee outcomes.
This makes understanding the emerging dynamics more important, not less.
Essays in this volume offer an opportunity to understand the forces now reshaping relations across the Red Sea: the motivations, fears and ambitions of the actors involved. They provide the knowledge necessary to identify where genuine common interests exist and where misunderstanding could lead to fatal miscalculation.
https://atrocitieswatch.org/publications/compendium-the-horn-and-the-middle-powers/
Tuesday, 8 September 2026
Eastern Sudan: Militarisation or State-Building? by Saleh Ammar
Eastern Sudan: Militarisation or State-Building?
This study is written by Salih Ammar, a Sudanese politician
and researcher, based in East Africa. He is a former Governor of Kassala State
during Hamdok’s Civilian Government in Sudan. He can be reached at: Westhorn2030@gmail.com
The author argues that the distribution of weapons to civilians and the proliferation of armed movements across Sudan, including in the eastern region, pose a grave threat to both the state and its population. This issue requires serious, measured and informed debate, particularly because militarisation is likely to remain one of the defining challenges of the next phase—whether the war continues or gives way to ceasefires and negotiated settlements.
He broadly classifies the armed movements and militias operating in eastern Sudan into four categories. The first comprises formations
associated with the Islamic Movement led by Ali Karti. The second consists of
the Darfur-based groups commonly known as the Joint Forces. The third includes
armed movements whose principal political and military focus is eastern Sudan.
A fourth category is the Sudan Shield Forces, led by Abu Aqla Keikal. Although
Sudan Shield includes fighters from the East, it has a significant presence in
central Sudan and emerged under circumstances different from those that
produced the eastern movements.
He looks at the challenges and consequences of the rise of Militias and the proliferation of weapons in Eastern Sudan. He indicates that one of the greatest dangers these movements pose is the fear their existence generates among the region’s communities. That fear encourages others to form their own armed groups, creating a cycle of mobilisation, counter-mobilisation, and escalating insecurity.
He argues that different militias require different responses and suggests how the issue can be handled
Wednesday, 26 August 2026
From Spoke to Hub: The Houthis in Africa August 2026
From Spoke to Hub: The Houthis in Africa
https://tcf.org/content/report/from-spoke-to-hub-the-houthis-in-africa/
- This report describes the Houthis’ push into the Horn of Africa and its neighbourhood and makes the case that the group is trying to establish itself as a new node of the “Axis of Resistance” ecosystem in the region.
- The Houthis are making outreach efforts to a variety of African groups, including Somalia’s al-Shabaab, factions of the Sudanese Armed Forces, and various marginalised peoples and tribes across the Horn of Africa.
- In many cases, the Houthis do not share ideology, language, religion, or grievances with these groups. But they have been placing bets on new relationships that will deepen their power, reach, and resilience in the region.
- The Houthis’ expansion strategy closely mirrors efforts by Iran and Lebanon’s Hezbollah to mold the nonstate armed groups they sponsored into a Middle East-wide network that became today’s Axis of Resistance.
- This report is the last of three in Beyond the Axis, a Century International project supported by the Cross-Border Conflict Evidence, Policy and Trends (XCEPT) research program, funded by UK International Development.
Thursday, 20 August 2026
Eritrea's Deteriorating Health System
Eritrea's Deteriorating Health System
20 August, 2026
A healthy
population is the backbone of a society. It drives a society's wellbeing.
Individuals can live longer, be more productive physically and intellectually,
have fewer chronic diseases and disabilities, and, through preventive methods,
a health service can reduce disease prevalence and respond to new challenges
that may arise. But in a country where the government fails to provide basic
services such as safe drinking water,
talking of a health system becomes a luxury.
Eritreans
currently describe the health services as lacking essential equipment and
medicines, with a shortage of trained manpower, and medical staff are all
overwhelmed to the point of collapse.
Sunday, 10 May 2026
Lifting the US sanctions on Eritrea is long overdue
Lifting the US sanctions on Eritrea is long overdue
As some readers may know, there was a time when I argued for
sanctions against Eritrea because of the regime´s persistent and deeply
upsetting human rights abuses against its own citizens. As the vast majority of
Eritreans, I had an expectation that the attention of the outside world would
ensure that those in positions of power would be held to account. However, in
the years since and particularly after observing the diverging responses of
Western governments to wars in Ukraine versus Gaza, I have become increasingly
doubtful about how sanctions are used in international relations. The US
sanctions on Eritrea were not implemented in the interest of the Eritrean
people, and now they will be lifted for the sake of current geopolitical
considerations.
Today, I am not bothered by the principle of accountability
itself but rather its selective application. Although sanctions are often discussed
as measures to protect human rights and international law, in practice, they
seem strongly influenced by political interests and geostrategic alliances.
Some states are sanctioned quickly and comprehensively, while others, even
accused of similar grievous breaches of rights, but happen to be allied,
financially involved or geopolitically advantageous, escaped with caution or
are outright protected.
This contradiction is exemplified by Eritrea. Eritrean armed
forces have also, rightly, been accused of committing serious abuses throughout
the course of the Tigray war. Many of those reports also described atrocities
committed by Ethiopian forces, but the Ethiopian army was not sanctioned. The
international response was nonsensically weighted towards Eritrea.
In Sudan, we can see another variation of the same song
today. The U.S. has imposed sanctions on certain individuals associated with
both the SAF and RSF, as well as on foreign mercenaries purportedly fighting on
the side of one or the other faction. But the critics point to a refusal to
directly challenge regional players such as the UAE, which stand accused of
financing or facilitating the war. This, to many observers, further strengthens
the view that sanctions are driven not by value-based principles but by
self-interested political and economic considerations.
There is also the uncomfortable truth that sanctions hardly
ever deliver on their own goals. Over the mountain ranges in Eritrea, where
many of the targets are high-ranking military or security officials, whose
presence in the West is so limited that individual sanctions have little
impact, who work through opaque channels and systems using foreign names and
regional alliances to sidestep restrictions. As a result, the impact is fairly
limited for ground-level decision-makers.
The rest of us seldom get by unscathed. We already know that
economic isolation, banking restrictions, and diplomatic pressure are deepening
hardship, which they barely endure under authoritarian rule. Eritrea shows that
sanctions produce no political change and do nothing to bolster opposition.
Even the opposition has remained divided and failed to turn international
pressure into domestic political pressure.
In the end, significant change in Eritrea — as in so many
authoritarian cases — will not stem from foreign sanctions alone. It will have
to come from within the society, via political change initiated and spearheaded
by the Eritreans.
There is no excuse to overlook or justify human rights
abuses. Far from it. However, when the principles of justice are binding only
at certain times, they cannot be expected to provide moral authority for the
international community. Otherwise, sanctions will continue to be seen around
the world not as instruments of justice but as tools of geopolitical
self-interest disguised in the language of human rights.
Isaias’s Unreciprocated Love for the US: Looking East while Moving West
Isaias’s Unreciprocated Love for the US: Looking East
while Moving West
Isaias has always been seeking a special relationship
with the US, but all previous administrations ignored him, cultivating
relations with the larger antagonistic neighbour, Ethiopia. Isaias was regarded
as an unreliable partner who waged wars with his neighbours. His overtures to
China and Russia were only a means of getting US attention. The 2nd
term of the Trump administration seems to reverse the course for new geopolitical
considerations. The release in 2025 of some evangelical Christians detained in
Eritrea for many years may have been a prerequisite for the lifting of
sanctions. If the US administration were to use Eritrea for launching attacks
against the Houthis in Yemen, Eritrea may end up being a target in the proxy
wars in the region.
Isaias revels in the anti-American tough-guy brand he had
cultivated, although he once supported the US war in Iraq, offering it
a base. In the build-up to Gulf War 2, Isaias recruited the Beltway lobbyists
Greenberg Traurig (at an annualised cost of $600,000) to drum up support for a
US naval base in Eritrea. Under the slogan ‘Why
Not Eritrea?’, Greenberg Traurig – the Eritrea campaign was headed by now
disgraced ex-con, the conservative PR star, Jack Abramoff –
sought to make the case that as a pro-American half-Christian, half-Muslim
nation surrounded by Muslim theocracies.
More recently, Isaias sealed his position on March 2,
2022, among an isolated club of states, including Iran, North Korea, Russia and
Syria, when Eritrea voted against a UNGA resolution Resolution ES‑11/1 condemning
Russia's invasion of Ukraine. This didn't surprise observers of Eritrea as its
foreign minister visited South
Ossetia and Crimea after Russia occupied both territories.
During Independence Day addresses over the last few
years, the president primarily delved into current global dynamics,
denoting them as a realm dominated by what he labelled as “forces of hegemony
and domination,” with a focus on China and Russia, and advocating for a fresh
global paradigm.
The regime’s relationship with China and Russia has been
notably amicable. On 3 August 2022, Eritrea condemned former US Speaker of
the House Nancy Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan, regarding it as a deplorable act in
contravention of international law, the norms and provisions of State
sovereignty, as well as the ‘One-China’ policy and the process of Chinese
reunification. It was the only African state to come out so unambiguously in
China’s defence.
During a visit to China in 2023, Isaias defended China’s loan
policy in Africa and supported a China-led new
world order of cooperation. During his visit to Russia
that same year, he stated that the war against Russia did not start with the
Ukraine war, but rather began thirty years ago, during the Cold War, to contain
Russia. In his meeting with Putin, he asked him to lead the war against Western
hegemony.
A delegation from the Russian navy, led by Vice Admiral
Vladimir Kasatonov, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Navy, undertook a
five-day visit to Eritrea’s Massawa port in April 2024.
Isaias began his political career with relations to the
CIA and may end his career there, finally being embraced by the US, his dream
love.
Friday, 23 January 2026
Wage Labour and Mobility in Colonial Eritrea, 1880s to 1920s
Wage Labour and Mobility in Colonial Eritrea, 1880s to 1920s
By Massimo Zaccaria, 2014, published in International Labor and Working-Class History
Issue: Fall 2014, Volume: 86, Page numbers: 89-106
https://doi.org/10.1017/S0147547914000118
Abstract:
Mobility and wage labour are two key variables that help to explain some of the complexities of the labour history of colonial Eritrea. Focusing on the initial period of Italian colonization, between the 1880s and 1920s, this article analyzes the relationship between the two above-mentioned variables. Based on previously unexplored archival sources and documents, the authors conclude that wage labor did contribute to the mobility of workers throughout the region (and not vice versa). In the period under consideration, Eritrea did not become a settler colony, despite Italy's initial efforts to import a national labor force. Instead, through a mix of capital investments in construction and transport, and increasing military recruitment, the Italian regime contributed significantly to an increase in free wage labor in the region. Within a year of Italy's 1911 invasion of Libya, it needed to reinforce its colonial army. From 1912 onward, in return for wages, tens of thousands of Eritreans entered the Italian colonial army to fight on the Libyan front. This military employment left voids in the local labor market, which were filled by people from neighboring countries, particularly Ethiopians and Yemenis. A relationship thus developed and continued between mobility and wage labor.
https://www.mediafire.com/file/dvpepuv64vkawrj/Wage_Labor_and_Mobility_in_Colonial_Erit.pdf/file
Tuesday, 14 October 2025
Tuesday, 7 October 2025
When South Yemen offered the ELF qualitative weapons to attack the EPLF
Who was more nationalist, ELF or EPLF?
Monday, 6 October 2025
Henry Kissinger on Eritrea-Ethiopia February 1975
Henry Kissinger on Eritrea-Ethiopia, February 1975
A declassified secret meeting between the US Secretary of State, Kissinger, and his state's Secretaries of State on Ethiopia and Eritrea in 1975. Kissinger predicted Eritrean independence but was not sure if Copts were Black.
https://www.mediafire.com/file/6f87bc2wjvph9ok/Henry+Kissinger+combined+on+Eri+Eth+1975.pdf/file
Thanks to Amer Hagos for sharing
Sunday, 5 October 2025
صعود وسقوط الدولة الماركسية الوحيدة في العالم العربي وروابطها مع القرن الإفريقي
صعود وسقوط
الدولة الماركسية الوحيدة في العالم العربي وروابطها مع القرن الإفريقي
محمد خير عمر
ظهرت جمهورية
اليمن الديمقراطية الشعبية (جنوب اليمن) عام 1967,ثم تحولت تدريجييا كالدولة الماركسية الوحيدة في
العالم العربي، على تحالف وثيق مع الاتحاد السوفييتي، ومحاولةٍ لزرع العقيدة
الشيوعية في مجتمع قبلي. كان ذلك اختبارًا أيديولوجيًا قاسيًا غذّى الاضطراب بدل
الاستقرار. خلال الحرب الباردة، دعمت جنوب اليمن عدّة ثورات إقليمية،
فيما نخر تدخلُ القوى الخارجية والانقلابات والاغتيالات وصراعات الأجنحة جسدَ
الدولة من الداخل. ثم جاءت حرب يناير 1986 الدموية لتطيح بجزء كبير من القيادة،
تاركةً الدولة ممزقةً عسكريًا واقتصاديًا واجتماعيًا. ومع انهيار الاتحاد
السوفييتي، دخل الجنوبُ عام 1990 في وحدةٍ مع شمال اليمن بقيادة علي عبد الله
صالح—زواج قسري بين اشتراكية جنوبية وحكمٍ شماليٍّ يزاوج بين السلطوية والبُنى
القبلية والدينية. وكما كان متوقعًا، تفككت الوحدة سريعًا؛ فأنهت حرب 1994 هامشَ
استقلال الجنوب. تُجسد تجربة الجنوب كيف تتصادم الأيديولوجيا مع سياسات الهوية
والجغرافيا السياسية للقوى العظمى، وكيف تفشل نسخُ النماذج المستوردة. اليوم، لا
يزال اليمن مضطربًا: الحوثيون يسيطرون على
الشمال، وحراكُ الجنوب يستعيد زخمه، فيما تعقّد تدخلات الخليج المشهد.
روابط
اليمن بالقرن الإفريقي
روابط
اليمن بالقرن الإفريقي حميمةٌ وقديمة. جغرافيًا، عند مدخل
البحر الأحمر الجنوبي، تكاد الضفتان تتلامسان: نحو 65 كلم تفصل
ساحل إريتريا قرب عَصَب عن جزيرة بريم/ميون اليمنية، فيما يضيق باب المندب إلى 30 كلم تقريبًا بين رأس سيان (جيبوتي) ورأس منهلّي
(اليمن). ثقافيًا، ترتبط الكتابة المسندية اليمنية القديمة بقرابة وثيقة مع الجعزية،
لغة كتابة التيغرينية والتيغرايت والأمهرية. وتشير دراساتٌ إلى انتقال جماعات الحبشة/الحبشيت
والأقازِي من اليمن إلى إريتريا وشمال إثيوبيا، مسهمةً في نشأة حضارة أكسوم؛ كما
تُرجع بعضُ سلاسل العفر جذورها إلى الضفة الأخرى. في العصر الحديث، ساند جنوب
اليمن حركاتِ التحرير الإريترية، ثم أنظمة “ثورية” في الصومال وإثيوبيا. وأثناء
حرب 1977–1978 بين الصومال وإثيوبيا، تعاطف الرئيس سالم ربيع علي (سالمين) بدايةً مع الصومال، لكن الغلبة
مالت للمعسكر السوفييتي دعمًا لإثيوبيا وصولًا إلى إرسال قوات. لاحقًا تدهورت
العلاقات مع إريتريا خلال نزاع جزر حنيش في ديسمبر/كانون الأول 1995. وفي 1998،
منحت التحكيمات الدولية معظم أرخبيل زقر–حنيش لليمن وبعض الجزر الصغيرة لإريتريا،
مع ترسيم للحدود البحرية؛ ونفّذ الطرفان القرار سلميًا.
اليمن
الشمالي: لمحة تاريخية
خضع اليمن
الشمالي لقرونٍ طويلة لحكم الإمامة الزيدية—مذهبٌ
شيعيٌّ بملامح فقهية قريبة من السنّة—جمع بين السلطة الدينية والقبَلية. وبعد
انسحاب العثمانيين عام 1918، قامت المملكة المتوكلية بقيادة الإمامين يحيى وأحمد،
بنظامٍ أبويٍّ حافظ على عزلة البلاد وبطئها، رغم تسرب الحداثة عبر التجّار
والعائدين والطلبة. في 1962، أطاح
ضباطٌ متأثرون بثورة ناصر في مصر بالنظام الإمامي وأعلنوا الجمهورية، فاندلعت حربٌ
أهلية بين الملكيين المدعومين من السعودية والأردن وبريطانيا، والجمهوريين المدعومين
من مصر ودول اشتراكية، حتى 1970
وهكذا صار
اليمن ساحةً لحروب الوكالة في الحرب الباردة ومسرحًا للصراع القومي العربي. وقد
دعم ناصر حركاتِ التحرير الأفريقية من الجزائر إلى غانا نكروما وكونغو لومومبا.
حربٌ أهلية
وتصفية استعمار وولادةُ يمنين (1962–1970)
في الشمال،
دارت حربٌ أهلية بين الجمهوريين المدعومين مصريًا والملكيين المدعومين سعوديًا.
أرسلت مصر نحو 60 ألف جندي وخسرت قرابة 10 آلاف، واستنزفتها “فيتنام مصر” قبل هزيمة 1967. انتهت الحرب عام 1970 بانتصار
الجمهوريين وإلغاء الإمامة الزيدية واعتراف السعودية بالجمهورية العربية اليمنية.
في الجنوب،
حوّلت بريطانيا وجودها الطويل في عدن (منذ 1839) إلى مستعمرة عدن ثم اتحاد الجنوب
العربي، لكن الكفاح المسلح اندلع في 1963 بقيادة جبهتين: جبهة
التحرير القومية (NLF) وجبهة تحرير جنوب اليمن (FLOSY) المدعومة من مصر. وبعد انسحاب بريطانيا في 30 نوفمبر 1967، تفوقت NLF وأعلنت جمهورية
اليمن الجنوبية الشعبية بقيادة قحطان الشعبي. وفي 1969،
أطاح الراديكاليون به في “حركة تصحيح”، وصعد سالم ربيع علي. وبحلول
1970 تبنّى الجنوب الماركسية وأضحى جمهورية اليمن الديمقراطية الشعبية (PDRY). وتركت الشقاقات السوفييتية–الصينية أثرها على تماسك
كوادر الدولة الجديدة.
أثر
الانقسام السوفييتي–الصيني (الخمسينيات–الستينيات)
قسم
الانقسامُ السوفييتي–الصيني العالمَ الاشتراكي بين لينينية مركزية بموسكو وماوية
ثورية ببكين تتهم السوفييت بخيانة الشيوعية. وصل صداه إلى الجنوب اليمني وحزبِه
الحاكم الحزب الاشتراكي اليمني
مال سالم ربيع علي (سالمين) إلى النموذج
الصيني القائم على تعبئة الجماهير، فيما تبنّى عبد الفتاح إسماعيل الصرامة
السوفييتية وتصدير الثورة. وحاول علي ناصر محمد إدارة توازنٍ براغماتي بين
النهجين. وتسرّبت المنافسات من أسئلة السلطة والاصطفاف الخارجي إلى سياسات الحياة
اليومية: كيف تُباع الخضار—في السوق أم عبر الدولة؟
وهل المروحة والثلاجة “رفاهية” أم حاجة ضرورية؟ كانت تلك قشرةً لجدلٍ أعمق حول وتيرة
التحوّل الاجتماعي، وحدود سطوة الدولة، وموقع الجنوب في خارطة الحرب الباردة. ومع تخندق
الأجنحة داخل الجيش والأمن وشبكات القبائل، ظل الجنوب هشًا ومأزومًا—ائتلاف رؤى متعارضة أكثر منه دولةً اشتراكية موحّدة.
انقلابات
الشمال العاصفة
بعد انسحاب
مصر عام 1967، فقد الجمهوريون سندهم الأهم. وفي نوفمبر 1967، أطاح انقلابٌ
بالقيادة الراديكالية لصالح عبد الرحمن الإرياني
(1967–1974)، الذي انتهج مصالحة مع الملكيين والقبائل، وانتزع اعتراف
السعودية، ثم حاول استقلاليةً أغضبت حلفاءها. في 1974، استولى إبراهيم
الحمدي (31 عامًا) على السلطة سِلمًا، فقلّص نفوذ المشايخ، وحارب الفساد، ومهّن
مؤسسات الدولة، ووسّع البنى والخدمات، وقوّى جمعيات التنمية المحلية، وفتح قنوات
حوارٍ مع الجنوب مهّدَت لاحقًا لفكرة الوحدة. جاء اغتياله في 1977—المُنسب إلى تحالف نخبٍ متضررةٍ وأيادٍ سعودية—ليُنهي “فرصةً ضائعة”، ويُخلّد
صورته كقائدٍ نظيفٍ مصلح.
اغتيالٌ
على طريقة “خاشقجي”: نهاية رئيسٍ مُصلِح
في 11 أكتوبر 1977—عشية زيارةٍ مقررةٍ إلى
عدن—استُدعي الرئيس إبراهيم الحمدي إلى منزل نائبه أحمد الغشمي، قيل تحت ضغطٍ
سعوديٍّ لوقف الرحلة. في اليوم نفسه قُتل شقيقه عبد الله، قائدُ قوات المغاوير،
بالمكان ذاته بعد استدراجه. رُويت شهاداتٌ عن دورٍ لِـعلي عبد الله صالح في إبعاد
حُرّاس الرئيس. عُثر لاحقًا على جثماني الشقيقين في منزلٍ آخر، إلى جانب امرأتين
فرنسيتين قيل إنهما استُخدمتا لتلويث سمعته. تتهم رواياتٌ لاحقة الغشمي وصالح والملحق
العسكري السعودي بترتيب العملية، رفضًا لمسعى الحمدي إلى وحدةٍ شمالية–جنوبية ومبادرة
أمن البحر الأحمر في مارس 1977. سريعًا، خلف الغشميُّ الحمدي في الرئاسة.
مقتل
رئيسين في يومين
بعد اغتيال
الحمدي، تولى أحمد الغشمي الحكم في صنعاء، لكنه قُتل في 24 يونيو 1978
عندما انفجرت حقيبةُ مبعوثٍ جنوبي داخل القصر الجمهوري—ورُبطت العملية برئيس
الجنوب سالم ربيع علي (سالمين). بعد 48 ساعة، اعتُقل سالمين في عدن وأُعدم وسط صراع أجنحة اليمن
الاشتراكي بين معسكره البراغماتي وتيار عبد الفتاح إسماعيل المتشدد. في الشمال،
صعد علي عبد الله صالح—المتهم أصلًا بالتورط
في اغتيال الحمدي—إلى الرئاسة، ليحكم 33 عامًا (1978–2011). وفي الجنوب، تولى عبد الفتاح إسماعيل القيادة
(1978–1980) قبل نفيه، مؤكّدًا اتساع الاضطراب الفئوي.
صراعات
الجنوب الداخلية
بحلول 1978، تحوّلت الجبهة القومية إلى الحزب الاشتراكي اليمني، لكن
اللافتة الجديدة أخفت شقاقاتٍ أعمق. فرض عبد الفتاح إسماعيل
(1978–1980) رؤيةً ماركسيةً–لينينيةً صلبةً متحالفةً بقوة مع الاتحاد
السوفييتي وألمانيا الشرقية: حزبٌ واحد، وقمعٌ
للمعارضة، وسياسةُ “تصدير الثورة” من ظفار إلى القرن الإفريقي—ما وضع الجنوب في
مواجهةٍ مفتوحة مع السعودية وشمال اليمن والغرب. اتسعت الفجوة داخل الحزب: دعا
المتشددون إلى تحولٍ اشتراكيٍّ سريع وتوحيدٍ فوريٍّ على أسسٍ اشتراكية، فيما طالب
المعتدلون بالبراغماتية—تليين الإيديولوجيا،
ترميم العلاقات العربية، وتقديم التنمية. كشفت حرب 1979 مع الشمال كلفة المغامرات
الأيديولوجية.
في أبريل
1980، دفعت الضغوطُ إسماعيلَ إلى الاستقالة والنفي إلى موسكو، فخلفه علي ناصر محمد
وسعى إلى تليين المواقف، وتحسين العلاقات العربية، وخفض التصعيد مع الشمال. لكن الصدوع
لم تُرمَّم. في 1985، عاد
إسماعيل من منفاه بضغوط المتشددين؛ وفي مؤتمر الحزب الثالث (أكتوبر)، دخل مجددًا
المكتبَ السياسي. انقسمت عدن أيديولوجيًا وجهويًا وقبليًا،
وسرّب الطرفان السلاح لأنصارهما انتظارًا لـ“لحظة الحقيقة”. حُدد اجتماعٌ حاسمٌ
للمكتب السياسي في 13 يناير 1986. سبق علي ناصر خصومه، فانفجر المشهدُ بحربٍ خاطفة.
اجتماع
المكتب السياسي… الإشارةُ إلى أفول الماركسية
في 13 يناير 1986، تحوّل اجتماعُ المكتب السياسي في التواهي/عدن
إلى فخٍّ دموي: غاب أنصار علي ناصر عمدًا، واقتحم حرسُه
الاجتماع، فقُتل قادةٌ عديدون، وفرّ عبد الفتاح إسماعيل قبل أن تظلّ نهايته غامضة. اندلعت حرب 12 يومًا (13–25 يناير) بالدبابات والمدفعية
والطيران، دمّرت عدن؛ وبعد عشرة أيام، فرّ علي ناصر بعائلته وآلاف أنصاره إلى
الشمال، وبحلول 25 يناير أحكم معسكر علي
سالم البيض قبضته على العاصمة—بثمنٍ فادحٍ قُدّر بـ 7–10 آلاف قتيل وتصفيةِ
الصف الأول من الحزب. كسرت المجزرة عمود الجنوب الفقري سياسيًا وعسكريًا
واقتصاديًا، وسرّعت انحداره، ودَفعت فكرة الوحدة من طموحٍ إلى ضرورة. ومع أفول الشيوعية عالميًا، قدّمت وحدة 1990 لعلي عبد
الله صالح عمقًا استراتيجيًا، ومنحت قادة الجنوب طوق نجاة؛ لكنها جاءت غير متكافئة،
فحَسم الشمالُ الكفة، وتخمّرت المظالم حتى حرب 1994 التي أنهت محاولةَ الجنوب
القصيرة لاستعادة دولته. هكذا يُظهر مسار الجنوب كيف تُطيح الأيديولوجيات
المستوردة وصراعات الأجنحة ورياح القوى العظمى بمشاريع ثورية طموحة.
الخلاصة
انتهت التجربة
الماركسية لجنوب اليمن بالدم والانهيار، لكن صداها لا يزال حاضرًا. فـيمن اليوم يحمل
آثار تلك الحقبة: مظالم جنوبية بلا إنصاف، وإرثٌ سلطوي،
ونفوذُ جيرانٍ أقوياء. لم يَطوِ سقوطُ الجنوب صفحة اليمن فحسب، بل مثّل أيضًا تراجع
الاشتراكية العربية، فاتحًا المجال أمام القوى المحافظة التي تُمسك بالمشهد
الإقليمي حتى الآن.



