Sunday, 23 September 2018

Articles on Self-Determination and Secessionism in Africa


SELF-DETERMINATION AND SECESSION A 21st Century Challenge to the Post-colonial State in Africa by Redie Bereketeab

https://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:567296/FULLTEXT01.pdf
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Self-Determination and Secessionism in Somaliland and South Sudan CHALLENGES TO POSTCOLONIAL STATE-BUILDING

https://www.cmi.no/file/2162-Self-Determination-and-Secessionism-in-Somaliland-and-South-Sudan.pdf

Determinants of Successful Secessions in Post-colonial Africa: Analyzing the Cases of Eritrea and South Sudan, a 2014 MA Thesis, by By Albano Agostinho Troco, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa

 https://researchspace.ukzn.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10413/12076/Troco_Albano_Agostinho_2014.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y

Self-Determination and Multi-Ethnic Societies in Africa
https://iiardpub.org/get/JPSLR/VOL.%203%20NO.%203%202017/SELF-DETERMINATION.pdf

How students in Eritrea and Norway make sense of literature, PhD Thesis

How students in Eritrea and Norway  make sense of literature, a 2010 PhD Thesis, Oslo University by Juliet Munden

Summary

This study is about how people make sense of literature. More specifically, it explores how Eritrean literature in English is read by students at two institutions of teacher education, one in Norway and one in Eritrea. It is therefore a comparison of two interpretive communities. One underlying assumption is that culture, especially how national identity is constructed, maintained and challenged, influences the discoursal positions and interpretive strategies available to readers. The students‟ responses are analysed in the light of their national cultures and the social, educational and institutional contexts that they share. A second assumption is that each individual response cannot be completely accounted for by these factors. Readers, then, give meaning to texts, and texts achieve meaning first when they are read. But a text limits the coherent interpretations available to a reader.    There are few qualitative comparative studies about how people make sense of literature, and this in itself is a rationale for this study. What comparative studies there are typically organise respondents by nationality, but refer only briefly to their culture and context. An important component of this study is therefore a methodological discussion of what a comparative study of nationally defined groups of readers entails. A further motivation is that there is currently virtually no research in the humanities in Eritrea.         

The bulk of the material is provided by twelve Eritrean and ten Norwegian students of English, who wrote about three Eritrean literary texts: a fable, a short prose narrative and a play. They also answered a questionnaire about their experience and expectations of literature. To contextualise the literary texts I review the political and aesthetic space of literature in Eritrea, and provide an overview of Eritrean literature in English. Both groups of students reported finding fiction useful because it expanded their horizons and gave them an opportunity to learn about other cultures. Unlike the Norwegian students, most of the students in Eritrea looked to literature first and foremost with the expectation that it should contribute to upholding a moral society and their own moral integrity.      The students in Eritrea were fairly consistent in being assertive in response to all three texts. Unlike the students in Norway, they were confident of having found the meaning of the texts they read, using strategies apparently developed through encounters with oral literature, the literature of which they had had most experience prior to their studies. The students in Norway were more likely to point out the individuality of their responses, with the possibility of there being other interpretations. The responses of the two groups were most similar in regard to a previously unfamiliar literary text about young people, where both were concerned with the importance of friendship and the innocence of childhood. They responded most differently to the nationalist play The Other War. The students in Eritrea consistently reproduced a national narrative template which was not available to the students in Norway, whose preferred interpretive strategy was to offer an understanding in terms of the characters‟ interaction, emotions and earlier experiences. This strategy, which they brought to all three texts, did not necessitate an understanding of social and political contexts, nor a moral standpoint. Student texts provided a rich material and they were well-suited to a research situation where transparency was an important consideration. A broader understanding of context than is found in most earlier studies of reading has proved conceptually valuable in accounting for the strategies and discoursal positions of the two interpretive communities. 


https://brage.bibsys.no/xmlui/bitstream/handle/11250/132010/Munden_J_How%20students%20in%20Eritrea%20and%20Norway.pdf?sequence=3&isAllowed=y

Not All Liberation Movements Lead to Democracy: A Comparative case Study of Uganda and Eritrea


Not All Liberation Movements Lead to Democracy: A Comparative case Study of Uganda and Eritrea, a 2015 MA Thesis, University of Colorado. By OMUNU ABALU

http://digital.auraria.edu/content/AA/00/00/18/84/00001/AA00001884_00001.pdf

Diaspora tourism and the negotiation of belonging: journeys of young second-generation Eritreans to Eritrea

Diaspora tourism and the negotiation of belonging: journeys of young second-generation Eritreans to Eritrea, a 2017 article by Graf, Samuel

Published in Ethnic and Racial Studies, 40(15):2710-2727.


https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/128509/9/2016_Graf_s1-ln25138899-1959203585-1939656818Hwf-3162798IdV-19949729625138899PDF_HI0001.pdf

Wednesday, 29 August 2018

The United Nations and the Independence of Eritrea


The United Nations and the Independence of Eritrea, a 286 page book, published by the UN in 1996

"The military conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea was one of Africa's longest struggles for independence and one of the world's most protracted campaigns for self-determination since the founding of the United Nations."

"On 27 April 1993, the Referendum Commission announced the official provisional results. Of those who had cast their votes, 1,098,015 had voted "yes" and 1,825 had voted "no"; 323 votes were invalid and 53,838 were tendered ballots, cast at a polling-station at which the voter was not registered. This meant that 99.805 per cent of those participating in the referendum had voted for independence, and only 0.17 per cent had voted against. Eritreans voting in Ethiopia, the Sudan and other countries, as well as members of the EPLA, had voted "yes", again with nearly total unanimity. "



https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/229464/files/%5BST_%5DDPI_1850-EN.pdf

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Thanks to Habesah AGreat for sharing

Friday, 24 August 2018

Highlights from the report of the UN Commission to Eritrea 1950


Highlights from the report of the UN Commission to Eritrea 1950

Resolution 289 (a) (IV) consisting of three parts, each dealing with one of the ex-Italian colonies. Section (C), relating to Eritrea, was adopted by the plenary session of the general assembly on 21 November 1949, which established the United Nations Commission for Eritrea to ascertain more fully the wishes of the inhabitants of Eritrea and the means of promoting their future welfare. 
The five-power-commission consisting of representatives from Norway, the Union of South Africa, Burma, Pakistan and Guatemala was established to ascertain the wishes of the Eritrean people and to solicit the views of interested governments. The commission established its head- quarters in Asmara, the capital city of Eritrea, and held some seventy public and private meetings between 15 February and the end of April 1950.                                                                                             

Members of the commission with Haile Sellasie and the British Ambassador


During the same period, it visited various parts of Eritrea and travelled to the capitals of Ethiopia, Egypt and, Italy to consult with these governments. At the end of April, the commission retired to Geneva to prepare its report and recommendation for submission to the interim committee for its meeting on 15 June.

The commission members were too pressed for time to prepare a joint proposal and, instead, they agreed, on 8 June, to submit some selected  documents along with their individual recommendations. The Norwegian member (Erling Qvale) proposed that Eritrea be united with Ethiopia; the South African (F.H. Theron) and Burmese (Aung Khine) that Eritrea be federated with Ethiopia; and the Pakistani (Mia Ziaud-Din) and Guatemalan (Carlos Garcia Bauer) commissioners that Eritrea be an independent state. The reports of the commission was presented to the Secretary General (Trygve Lie)of the UN on June 9, 1950.

This report is in French, but easier to read the tables about the population breakdown by language and religion, the names of the members of the political parties they met and other relevant info.



http://www.mediafire.com/file/iba6kojtnj16gto/UN+Comm+Report+1950.pdf
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Summary of AG-048 United Nations Commission for Eritrea (1950), files

https://search.archives.un.org/downloads/united-nations-commission-for-eritrea-1950.pdf

Tuesday, 21 August 2018

The Future of Ethiopia: Developmental State or Political Marketplace?

The Future of Ethiopia: Developmental State or Political Marketplace? by Alex de Waal

20.08.2018

" In my case, one prism through which I interpret Ethiopian developments is the analysis derived from numerous discussions that I had with Meles Zenawi between 1988 and 2012. I initially developed the framework of the ‘political marketplace’ as a critique of Meles’s theory of the ‘democratic developmental state’. In particular, I saw monetized or marketized politics as a threat to the stateled developmental order that Meles envisioned: I argued that as well as the two scenarios he envisaged, namely economic transformation versus a relapse into poverty and chaos, there was a third: a political marketplace. The rationale for this paper is that these two frameworks, the developmental state and the political marketplace, offer analytical insights that are important for understanding Ethiopia today.

This paper has two parts. The first is based on those conversations with Meles. I have notes from many of them (especially from the period 2007- 2012) and recollections of others. I have organized them into the themes of the developmental state, democracy and nationalism, and foreign policy and security strategy. In each case what I present are amalgams of notes, verbatim transcripts, and a few inferences. They are rearranged for coherence. "

https://sites.tufts.edu/reinventingpeace/files/2018/08/The-future-of-ethiopia-20180817.pdf

Sunday, 29 July 2018

The politics of retreat: Soviet Union/ Ethiopia

The politics of retreat by Prof. John Keane, a 1990 article on the process of dismantling of the Soviet Union by Gorbachov.

The politics of retreat of the totalitarian state:

The politics of retreat is an article that was written by John Keane (a Professor of Politics at the Polytechnic of Central London) in 1990. The article analysed the changes that were taking place in Soviet Union under Gorbachew. The writer addressed the retreat of the totalitarian state. Though Ethiopia and the Soviet Union are different to compare and 2018 is not 1990; the changes taking place in Ethiopia look similar to those that took place in the Soviet Union, then. The Gobachew phenomenon looks like the ‘Abiy’ phenomenon. Does Abiy intend to dismantle the EPRDF totalitarian state? This makes the article an interesting read.

The politicians of retreat are a new specie of political animal. Although schooled in the arts of conventional politics; politicians of retreat always begin their careers in the corridors and committee rooms of state power-they are not driven by lust for power or visions of grand victories through conquest. They are instead skilled in the art of unscrewing the lids of despotism by forming new compromises and withdrawing and retreating from unworkable positions.

The politics of retreat is naturally a delicate and a dangerous process. Its leaders  are trapped within the quicksands of politics. They risk their lives at every step, and they are always surrounded by enemies operating in the shadowy corners of state power. The legitimacy problem confronting politicians is partly due to the fact that they hasten the disintegration of the existing despotic regime, thereby threatening certain individuals and groups whose power base lie within the system. Politicians of retreat help dramatically to widen the political spectrum. They tend to speak of future gains. They know one thing best: the despotic regimes can die of of swallowing their own lies and arrogance, and that fear and demorilisation can not govern forever. Their actions often have unintended consequences of fostering the growth of social power groups acting at a distance from which they help to dismantle. The politicians typically sow the seeds of their own downfall.
The politics of retreat is a dangerous bussiness. There comes a point when it intensifies the crisis it is supposed to resolve. Events become pregnant with unforseen consequences. Many  subjects become active citizens who are no longer impatient. Controlled retreat begins to turn in choas.

http://www.johnkeane.net/wp-content/uploads/1990/01/jk_politics_retreat.pdf
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Thanks to Niels Harbitz for making aware of the article

Friday, 29 June 2018

A History of Ethiopia, Nubia and Abyssinia, 1928



A History of Ethiopia, Nubia and Abyssinia, 1928 by Sir Wallis Budge



a 423 page book in 2 volumes with 49 plates, 31 illustrations in the text and a map

https://ia601608.us.archive.org/35/items/in.ernet.dli.2015.499166/2015.499166.history-of.pdf
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Thanks to Abo Homed for sharing

Saturday, 19 May 2018

Book: Mussolini in Ethiopia, 1919–1935


Mussolini in Ethiopia, 1919–1935




Mussolini in Ethiopia, 1919–1935 looks in detail at the evolution of the
Italian Fascist regime’s colonial policy within the context of European
politics and the rise to power of German National Socialism. It delves
into the tortuous nature of relations between the National Fascist Party
and the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP), while
demonstrating how, ultimately, a Hitler-led Germany proved the best
mechanism for overseas Italian expansion in East Africa. The book
assesses the emergence of an ideologically driven Fascist colonial policy
from 1931 onwards and how this eventually culminated in a serious
clash of interests with the British Empire. Benito Mussolini’s successful
flouting of the League of Nations’ authority heralded a new dark era
in world politics and continues to have its resonance in today’s world.

Can be accessed and downloaded:

https://ia801300.us.archive.org/21/items/MalletRobertMussoliniInEthiopia1919-1935.TheOriginsOfFascistItalysAfricanWar_201804/MalletRobert-MussoliniInEthiopia19191935.TheOriginsOfFascistItalysAfricanWar.pdf

Wednesday, 25 April 2018

Eritrea: Initial National Report (1999-2016) by State of Eritrea


ERITREA: INITIAL NATIONAL REPORT (1999-2016) 

For the first time the Eritrean Regime has written a 100 page report on the State of Affairs in Eritrea prepared on 28 March 2017 by the State of Eritrea,  Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR)

http://www.achpr.org/states/eritrea/reports/1st-1999-2016/

OR download it from the link below:

http://www.mediafire.com/file/dwj5jwx3d4w37wd/Eritrea+National+Report+1996+-+2017.pdf

Sunday, 15 April 2018

Saddam and High-Ranking Officials Discussing Khomeini, the Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict, 1979


February 20, 1979 
Saddam and High-Ranking Officials Discussing Khomeini, the Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict, the Potential for Kurdish Unrest, and the Iranian Economy

 من محضر اجتماع عقد يوم ٢٠ فبراير١٩٧٩ حضره صدام حسين ومسؤولين عراقيين رفيعي المستوى يناقشون الخميني والصراع الإثيوبي الإريتري واحتمال الاضطرابات الكردية والاقتصاد الإيراني، وتقيمهم للثورة الارترية

Saddam Hussein: Of course, the Eritrean revolution has become weaker than its previous state. When Ethiopia was preoccupied with Ogaden [An Ethiopian region that was the subject of conflict between Ethiopia and Somalia] in Somalia and when Somalia failed to provide quick advice to the Eritreans, we told them [the Eritreans] before they rearrange themselves and since they have not recovered yet from the events [inaudible], as an assessment of them in this phase. But they did not listen and continued in their ways. We do not expect the Eritrean revolution to end in a complete victory or full retreat in a short time because it became a part of the international equation [dynamic] with different parties, ethnic groups, and trends fighting each other. We do not have something intrinsic in our analysis to our stance or position, but it can be summarized by saying that their position is weaker than before. They are not expected to achieve victory in a short period or to be defeated in a short period because it has become a part of the international equation. What makes it easier on them, of course, is that the discussions have become broader, where their position is based on the Soviet weight in Ethiopia. Now, Africa and the events in Iran have become more interesting than Eritrea for the Soviet Union, which is more interested now in events in Indochina than Eritrea. This is an issue that depends on the orientations, interests, and points that have priority in the agenda. Sure, the Soviet weight is going to ease on Eritreans through Ethiopia, but I do not believe that the Eritreans are capable of achieving an imminent victory or have the power to defeat them soon. But their position is weaker than before. Comrade Sa'doun, do you have other remarks about this subject, the subject of Eritrea?

http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/111640.pdf?v=6257a46767ae41aa93c55ad31ce99a09

Tuesday, 6 March 2018

Eritrea/Ethiopia/Somalia - Soviet Bloc relations confidential declassified documents


Eritrea/Ethiopia/Somalia - Soviet Bloc relations confidential declassified documents

On Eritrea: 14 confidential declassified documents 1977 - 1991

On how the Soviet Union and Germany wanted to solve the Eritrean problem and on the secret negotiations they conducted between delegations of the Derg and Eritrean Liberation Fronts

http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/search-results/1/%7B%22coverage%22:%2249%22%7D

Ethiopian - Soviet Bloc relations:  86 confidential declassified documents (1956 - 1991)

Among other issues, on the Ethiopian-Somali war of 1977 and how they tried to prevent it and later solve it; on how they assessed the final years of the Derg

http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/search-results/1/%7B%22coverage%22:%2250%22%7D


Somali  - Soviet Bloc relations:  52 confidential declassified documents (1971 - 1991)

http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/search-results/1/%7B%22coverage%22%3A%22125%22%7D?recordType=Record                     

Sunday, 4 March 2018

Letter from Erich Honecker, leader of the German Democratic Republic to Brezhnev on the Derg and EPLF talks in 1978


DRAFT LETTER FROM HONECKER TO BREZHNEV ON ETHIOPIAN-ERITREAN TALKS, 19 APRIL 1978

Erich Honecker, the General Secretary of the Socialist Unity Party (SED), leader of  the German Democratic Republic from 1971 until the weeks preceding the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989

Esteemed Comrade Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev! On 23 March 1978, the second meeting between the representatives to the Provisional Military Administrative Council of Socialist Ethiopia and the Eritrean Liberation Front took place. Upon request by the Politburo of the CC of the SED, Comrade Hermann Axen, member of the Politburo and CC secretary, participated in the talks. [Berhanu Bayeh and Aforki declared again their desire to terminate the bloodshed and to do everything to solve the Eritrean problem by peaceful means.] 

Among other things both sides agreed in the first meeting on:

1. Both sides confirm their resolve to stop the bloodshed immediately and bring about a political solution. 

2. The Provisional Military Administrative Council of Ethiopia will make a public declaration expressing its concrete proposals for the implementation of regional autonomy for Eritrea in the framework of the Ethiopian state and under inclusion of all willing positive forces in Eritrea. 

The Central Committee of the EPLF recognizes the achievements of the Ethiopian Revolution and declares itself ready for cooperation in the interest of implementation of regional autonomy. 

3. Revolutionary Ethiopia's secure access to the Red Sea must be guaranteed by its uninterrupted access lines and its control over Asmara and the ports of Massawa and Assab. 

4. Both sides form a common commission for the purpose of implementing the above points and all other steps for the security of the Revolution in Ethiopia and regional autonomy in Eritrea. It was agreed to inform the leadership organizations of Ethiopia and of the EPLF and have them communicate their positions on the results of the second meeting and the proposals of the SED at a third meeting in the GDR in mid May.

Read the whole report:

http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/110979.pdf?v=92d710987089e24ef9bbaf08cf26985e

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January 31, 1978 Memorandum of a Conversation between East German leader Erich Honecker and Siassi Aforki, General Secretary of the Revolutionary Party of Eritrea, in Berlin

Aforki: We are very proud and very happy about this meeting. It is a historical meeting. The first visit of our comrades in the GDR already brought very positive results. [...] We highly appreciate the good offices of your country and your party. What we have achieved so far is already a turning-point in our fight. The results of the meeting with the Ethiopians are still uncertain, but in any case it will be a historic meeting. In the past 17 years a fierce battle has been waged. Not one meeting took place between Eritreans and Ethiopians. If something developed from this first meeting, this will not only be good for our two countries but for the peoples of the entire world. The only pre-condition for it is goodwill on the Ethiopian and on our side. 

Comrade S. Aforki: The main problem is in how far Ethiopia is willing to meet our demands. It is clear from the start that if Ethiopia is not bringing along new proposals, a solution will not be possible. There is no point in discussing the possibility of unifying both revolutions. What we need are guarantees that the fight against imperialism and reaction will continue. Only one principal question is of importance. Everything depends on the capabilities and tactics of our organization. We won't be picky in minor questions. It is totally clear to us that in the case of an actual agreement its implementation is the important thing. Then we will check the details and implement them patiently. Eritrea has many enemies within and without. If they all find out about it, we will have many difficulties. But we are preparing for it. It is true that we are not the only organization. That, however, does not worry us. Because of our great influence and military strength we can succeed. The other two organizations in Eritrea have allied themselves with the imperialists and the reaction in the Arabic region.



http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/110965.pdf?v=6f1a90b11d584ce4c51189001bb46538


The Communist Party of the Soviet Union on Talks of Ahmed Nasser (ELF-RC) in the USSR Solidarity Committee, 1978

June 07, 1978 Information from the Central Committee (CC) of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) on Talks of Ahmed Nasser (ELF-RC) in the USSR Solidarity Committee


In effect, the three talks which were held with Ahmed Nasser proved that the Eritrean friends are not yet willing to approach the question by giving up the slogan of independence for Eritrea. Their argumentation is that neither side should coerce the other one into negotiations and a solution could only be a result of unconditional negotiations.

In the first conversation on 7 June, A. Nasser indicated that the ELF-RC would possibly consent to a federation. In the following talks it was not mentioned again, and by the time the third talk took place on 8 June, the position of the Eritrean friends had even hardened.

You can read the whole report here:


The rest of 14 confidential documents of the Soviet Bloc on Eritrea related issues 1977 - 1991:

http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/search-results/1/%7B%22coverage%22:%2249%22%7D

Wednesday, 28 February 2018

'Italian Proceedings on the African Coast of the Red Sea.' 1880




'Italian Proceedings on the African Coast of the Red Sea.' 1880 Confidential correspondence by the British Foreign office

The first section describes the course of events at and around Assab from May 1880 to September 1881, including protests made by the Egyptian Government to the Italian Government at their purchase of the whole coastline around Assab Bay and the islands nearby, and an enquiry that followed the massacre of an Italian exploring party. This section concludes with two reports suggesting that, although the Italians had not made much progress at Assab Bay, they had shown their intention to get a foothold on the African continent.

The second section reproduces correspondence between the British, Italian and Egyptian governments, and between the India Office and the Foreign Office from May 1880 to September 1881. The correspondence relates to the purchase of land at Assab Bay by the Rubattino Company; Italian Government denials that the territory would be used for military purposes; attempts made by the Italian Government to legitimise their occupation of the place by encouraging the British Government to accredit a British Agent there, both for commercial purposes and for the purpose of co-operation in the suppression of the slave trade; and a British Government proposal that the Italian Government enter into a formal convention about the matter with the Egyptian Government.
The final section reproduces correspondence connected with a proposed disembarkation of Egyptian troops at Raheita to the south of Assab Bay; Egyptian appeals for a British warship to be sent to the area; Italian protestations that disembarkation at Raheita would constitute a provocation; and the British Government's reaffirmation that the sovereignty of the coastline at Raheita and Assab Bay belongs to the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire and the Khedive of Egypt.



Source: British Library: India Office Records and Private Papers, IOR/L/PS/18/B22a, in Qatar Digital Library <https://www.qdl.qa/archive/81055/vdc_100000000788.0x0003e5> [accessed 18 February 2018]
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Thanks to Dawit Ayalew Makonnen fo sharing


Kush: Journal of the Sudan Antiquities Service 1954 - 2002


Open Access Journal: KUSH : Journal of the National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums (NCAM)

KUSH: Journal of the National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums (NCAM)
[Formerly Kush : journal of the Sudan Antiquities Service ISSN: 0075-7349]

Kush:   Journal of the Sudan Antiquities Service

The Editorial Notes of the first issue of KUSH, stated: ' The Sudan, by its intermediate position between the Near East and Central Africa has a peculiarly important position in archaeology '. Unfortunately for too long the importance of this position was not adequately appreciated by scholars, and the archaeology and ancient history of the Sudan was considered but a poor relation of Egyptian history.
It includes articles in English, French and German and includes an editorial note on " The countries of the Ethiopian Empire of Kash (Kush) and Egyptian old Ethiopia in the New kingdom",  By Ernest Zyhlarz

The full volumes are available here>
http://ancientworldonline.blogspot.no/2015/12/open-access-journal-kush-journal-of.html

Arkell's , 1954 on the  Agordat Four Occupation Sites can be accessed here, pp. 33 - 62 on this issue:

http://sfdas.com/IMG/pdf/kush_ii.pdf


http://www.mediafire.com/file/xli7kmoc4fabfmd/Kush+II+journal.pdf

 Vol VI 1958:




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Wednesday, 21 February 2018

THE HOLOCENE PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE TEMBEN REGION, NORTHERN ETHIOPIA


THE HOLOCENE PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE TEMBEN REGION, NORTHERN ETHIOPIA By Agazi Negash, a PhD thesis, Graduate School of the University of Florida 

Abstract


Evidence from agronomy and bio-geography shows that northern Ethiopia is a center of origin of several economically important African plant domesticates that played a major role in the emergence of Neolithic societies. Although archaeologists have speculated on how and why these food producing societies have emerged, in the past, there was virtually no archaeological data with which to test the hypotheses they have developed. Recent systematic archaeological surveys and excavation in the Temben area of northern Ethiopia have identified sites that have provided radiometrically datable stratified cultural sequences containing preserved faunal remains, a necessary temporal sequence that would allow us to begin testing the various hypotheses. The analysis of the cultural materials and ecofacts t recovered from these sites would lay the groundwork for future archaeological investigations in northern Ethiopia by furnishing significant necessary data towards the understanding of the Neolithic of northern Ethiopia, an area that is situated in the bio-geographical heart of the hypothesized center of Ethiopian plant domestication.

Can be downloaded at: 

https://ia800404.us.archive.org/28/items/holoceneprehisto00nega/holoceneprehisto00nega.pdf

Tuesday, 20 February 2018

The Hanish Islands on the spotlight between Italy and Britain 1928 - 1935

The Hanish Islands on the spotlight between Italy and Britain 1928 - 1935

This file primarily concerns the sovereignty status of the Hanish Islands, as well as that of other islands in the Lower Red Sea. It documents concerns held by the British Government that the Italian Government is in the process of attempting to establish some kind of informal control over certain islands.

Matters discussed in the correspondence include:

• The content and wording of a proposed Red Sea Lights Convention, the result of negotiations between the British and French governments, which ostensibly relates to the construction and maintenance of lighthouses – both on islands in the Lower Red Sea and in the territory of Mocha – but also concerns questions of sovereignty.
• Whether the Italian Government's plan to construct a lighthouse on South-West Haycock Island constitutes a claim of sovereignty over the island.
• The establishment of Italian military posts on the Hanish and Jebel Zukur [Jazīrat Jabal Zuqar] islands.
• Concerns expressed by the Admiralty and Foreign Office that by establishing these posts the Italian Government could be attempting to enforce rights of sovereignty over the islands.
• The extent to which either the Treaty of Lausanne (1923) or the Rome Conversations of 1927 (between Britain and Italy) provide any basis to contesting an Italian claim to sovereignty over the islands.

• Reports of attempts by the Italian military posts to restrict fishing and pearling

http://www.mediafire.com/file/g6zbypbi6i6nbbn/Hanish+islands+1931.pdf
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Source: Qatar University digital archive

http://www.qdl.qa/en/archive/81055/vdc_100000000555.0x000292

Saturday, 17 February 2018

Treaties signed between foreign powers and Afar Sultanates, Shoa, Abyssinia and Ethiopia

The Treaties and Conventions signed between foreign powers (Italy, Great Britain and France) and the independent Afar Sultanates and between those powers and Abyssinia, Shoa, Ethiopia. For convenience purposes those treaties are inserted under Abyssinia.  Ranging from 1841 - 1908

This is a book by Sir E. Hertslet  with 582 pages with a collection of maps, published in 1909 and is Vol II of the series, Map of Africa by Treaty

المعاهدات والاتفاقيات الموقعة بين القوى الأجنبية (إيطاليا وبريطانيا وفرنسا) والسلطانات العفرية المستقلة وبين تلك القوى والحبشة ، وشوا ،وإثيوبيا. لأغراض التسهيل وضعت هذه المعاهدات تحت الحبشة . وكانت الاتفاقيات بين عام ١٨٤١ و  ١٩٠٨
Some of the treaties in the book 

https://ia600802.us.archive.org/17/items/mapofafricabytre02hert/mapofafricabytre02hert.pdf

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Thanks to Mauro Ghermandi for sharing

Saturday, 10 February 2018

A SOCIO-ECONOMIC HISTORY OF NORTH SHÄWA, ETHIOPIA (1880s - 1935)


A SOCIO-ECONOMIC HISTORY OF NORTH SHÄWA, ETHIOPIA (1880s - 1935), a 2015 PhD thesis by Dechasa Abebe, UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA

http://uir.unisa.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10500/19891/thesis_demisie_da.pdf?sequence=1

The Journal of Oromo Studies VOLUME 6, Nos. 1 & 2, 1999

The Journal of Oromo Studies VOLUME 6, NUMBERS 1 & 2, JULY 1999

https://zelalemkibret.files.wordpress.com/2013/07/jos-volume-6-numbers-12-1999.pdf

ITALY THROUGH THE LOOKING GLASS: ASPECTS OF BRITISH POLlCY AND INTELLIGENCE CONCERNING ITALY, 1939-1 941


ITALY THROUGH THE LOOKING GLASS: ASPECTS OF BRITISH POLlCY AND INTELLIGENCE CONCERNING ITALY, 1939-1 941, a 1997 PhD thesis by Dawn Marie Miller

This thesis examines British policy and intelligence concerning Italy between 1939 and 1941, paying particular attention to British images of Italy. In this period, British policy ran the gamut from appeasement to a pre-emptive strike, each corresponding to the prevailing image of Italy. This image was determined by the combination of net assessments, British fondness for the indirect approach and intelligence whose inability to ascertain Italian intentions gave expectations disproportionate influence over assessments. Chief among these expectations was the belief that Italian policy would further British plans to satisfy its strategic needs. After Italy joined the war on 10 June 1940, intelligence's inability to penetrate Mussolini's mind was less critical. Italy's declaration of war shattered the illusion that its policy would be compatible with Britain's strategic needs while breakthroughs in signals intelligence improved operational intelligence. In East Africa, this resulted in a policy of "raising the tribes", a plan to defeat Italy by supporting an indigenous rebellion in the Italian territories. British success in Abyssinia in May 1941 was a turning point in Anglo-Italian relations because it marked the end of Italy's ability to fight a parallel war. This thesis examines the interplay of image, intelligence and policy in Britain's relations with Italy between 1939 and 1941 in order to increase understanding of the nature and results of British policy for Italy in this period.

http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ28018.pdf

Discussing ethnohistory: The Blin between periphery and international politics in the 19th century


Discussing ethnohistory: The Blin between periphery and international politics in the 19th century, a 2006 article by Wolbert Smidt 

http://journals.openedition.org/cy/1373

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Thanks to Mauro Ghermendi for sharing the link

History, Historical Arguments and the Ethio-Eritrean conflict: between xenophobic approaches and an ideology of unity


History, Historical Arguments and the Ethio-Eritrean conflict: between xenophobic approaches  and an ideology of unity, an 2012 article by Wolbert Smidt


http://www.mediafire.com/file/41kss6vz27gr0sb/History_historical_arguments_and_the_Eth+%281%29.pdf

Source: https://www.academia.edu/21221634/History_historical_arguments_and_the_Ethio-Eritrean_conflict_between_xenophobic_approaches_and_an_ideology_of_unity?auto=download

Thanks to Mauro Ghermandi for sharing the link

For the Motherland (ለእናት ሀገር): Traditional Music Performance and Nationalism in Addis Ababa, 2016


For the Motherland (ለእናት ሀገር): Traditional Music Performance and Nationalism in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, a 2016 M.A. Thesis by Sara Bishop, Florida State University

This thesis examines staged performances of traditional music in Addis Ababa, the capital city of Ethiopia. It includes the history of traditional performing groups in Ethiopia and their purposes, the continuities and changes in performance practices from the early twentieth century to the present day, and audience perceptions of these performances. Particular attention is given to the relationships between traditional musics and Ethiopian nationalism. In response to the rise of ethno-nationalism in the latter part of the twentieth century, the new government regime that came to power in 1994 employed ethnicity as an organizing principle of the state. 

It can be downloaded at:

https://fsu.digital.flvc.org/islandora/object/fsu%3A360323

Tuesday, 6 February 2018

The Struggling State: Nationalism, Mass Militarization, and the Education of Eritrea


The  Struggling State: Nationalism, Mass Militarization,  and the Education of Eritrea , a book by Jennifer Riggan, 2016



Can be dowloaded here:

http://www.oapen.org/search?identifier=605457

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"A state like Eritrea that prohibits citizens from leaving, engages in mass round-ups, detains arbitrarily, permanently conscripts a large swathe of its population into the military, and utilizes schools as a conduit for military conscription might seem like a “strong” state in the sense that it has the capacity to implement policies and enact sovereignty over its people. Such a state might not seem to be “struggling,” yet I argue that states in Eritrea and elsewhere struggle in a variety of ways. States struggle to legitimately enact their own nation-building projects. Authoritarianism and state coercion, in particular, reveal weaknesses in the hyphen between nation and state, weaknesses that are present in all states, even those that we might not label as authoritarian or coercive. The case of Eritrea highlights these state struggles in several ways. "


 "In short, the Eritrean state struggled to be legitimate, to produce loyal national subjects, to reproduce and reify itself, and to achieve institutional coherence. These struggles are certainly not unique to Eritrea; indeed, all states struggle to produce these effects. But the conditions in Eritrea produced by mass militarization, the party’s orthodox adherence to its revolutionary nationalist agenda, and the government’s increased reliance on coercion amplify these struggles and expose the paradoxes of state legitimacy and control."
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Thanks to Jonathan Miran for sharing the link

Agordat, Eritrea one of the most extensive pre-historic materials in the Horn of Africa



New perspectives on the Agordat material, Eritrea: A re-examination of the archaeological 
material in the National Museum, Khartoum

Agordat in Eritrea has provided one of the most extensive pre-historic materials in the Horn of Africa. The materials were collected and presented to the Sudan National Museum by A. J. Arkell and Major J. S. Last, the political governor of Eritrea in 1942

في أغوردات في إريتريا تم العثورعلى واحدة اقدم اثار ومواد ما قبل التاريخ في القرن الافريقى تم جمع المواد وعرضها في المتحف القومي السوداني من قبل أركيل و ماجور الذي كان آخر حاكم السياسي لإريتريا في عام 1942. معظم من المواد المستخرجة من سطح الموقع من أربع مناطق مختلفة في ضواحي أغوردات: جبل كوكان، نتاني، شابيت، وداندانيت. وقد وجدت اكثر المواد في كوكان  وتشمل القطع الأثرية ، شظايا هيكل عظمي الإنسان والأسنان، وادوات اثرية صورها ملحقة، آركل (1954) يرى أن الاكتشافات موحدة تماما ويعتبر انهم ينتمون إلى ثقافة واحدة. التحليل الجديد من المواد يدل على أن المواد هي متنوعة جدا ومع ذلك، يظهر الاتصال الرئيسي، كما اقترح أركيل، أن تكون ذات صلة بثقافات وادي النيل ويرجع تاريخها إلى حوالي الألفية الرابعة










Agordat material, Eritrea, implication on Early Food Production


Early Food Production & Regional Contact


By Alemseged Beldados, 2012




Based on M.A. thesis at the University of Bergen.

Agordat in Eritrea has provided one of the most extensive pre-historic materials in the Horn of Africa. This thesis is primarily based on the analysis of archeological materials from Agordat and comparing this with contemporary sites in the Sudan.

The thesis is primarily based on the analysis of archeological materials from Agordat, Eritrea and is comparing this with contemporary sites in the Sudan. It is structured into five chapters. Chapter I deals with the history of research and the culture history of Agordat and its environs. Under the topic the history of research, a summary of the researches done on the economic prehistory of the Horn of Africa is given. The summary is done with the intention of drawing an image on the paucity of prehistoric research in the Horn of Africa and to show the contribution of the Agordat material in filling up the gap required for a better understanding of the period. The main manifestations of the archeological groups and the description of the sites in the eastern desert and along the Nile Valley of the Sudan that are contemporary with Agordat is dealt in detail under the culture history of Agordat and its environs.

Chapter II describes the study area and the palaeo-environment of the study area. A brief overview is made on how climatic fluctuations influenced the settlement of people in this area under the title palaeo-environment and human settlement.

A synopsis of the pottery classification and the stone tools from Agordat is presented in Chapter III. A detail description for each of the pot shreds (n=1469) in accordance with their inventory number is presented in the appendix of this part of the thesis. The analysis of the pottery from Agordat is followed by a comparison of the main features (dominantly based on decoration patterns) with some other co-existing sites.

Chapter IV discusses the prehistoric exchange trade that the Horn of Africa had with the Nile valley of the Sudan and Egypt. Obsidian (hard, dark glass like volcanic rock), cowry shells (highly polished, usually brightly colored shell of a marine gastropod used as money or ornament in certain parts of Asia and Africa), and incense were dealt as items of exchange. The influence of trade for the evolution of some archeological groups in Lower Nubia is also presented. This chapter shows how easily ideas can flow from one cultural group to the other though medium of exchange trade.

The result of the analysis of plant impressions on pot shreds from Agordat is dealt in Chapter V. This chapter gives a general view of the types of plant recovered in relation to recent archaeobotanical works in the nearby regions. The last part of this thesis synthesizes the five chapters and gives a concluding remark.

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Agordat in Eritrea has provided one of the most extensive pre-historic materials in the Horn of Africa. The materials were collected and presented to the Sudan National Museum by A. J. Arkell and Major J. S. Last, the political governor of Eritrea in 1942


The article can be downloaded at:

http://www.mediafire.com/file/vdmsa5nezly49to/Agordat+material+2007.pdf

The full article: Arkell, A.J. 1954.  Four occupation sites at Agordat. Kush, 2: 33 – 62

http://www.mediafire.com/file/jmcc12a79be934t/Agordat+occupation+sites+arkell+1954.pdf

OR can be accessed here: http://sfdas.com/IMG/pdf/kush_ii.pdf

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Thanks to Mahmoud Lobinet for the links
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Another related article:

From the sea to the deserts and back: New research in Eastern Sudan and Eritrean lowlands

https://unora.unior.it/retrieve/handle/11574/40503/30413/Manzo_BMSEAS_18_2012_light.pdf

To sum up, all of these elements may point to intense contact between the Eritrean-Sudanese lowlands and Upper Nubia and suggest that, as expected, the south-easternmost region of the Kerma cultural area, i.e., the Fourth Cataract region, played an important part in this interaction. These remarks also suggest that the Eritrean-Sudanese lowlands had contact with the Red Sea coast and the Eastern Desert and may have had direct contact with Lower Nubia via the Eastern Desert, Arabia and perhaps Egypt via  the Red Sea. It should be stressed that the processes of interaction between Nubia and Eastern Sudan led not only to the exchange of goods but also to the local production in Eastern Sudan of recorded in Gash Group and Jebel Mokram Group assemblages, described.

UNESCO: Preservation and Presentation of the Cultural Heritage in Eritrea


UNESCO Report: Preservation and Presentation of the Cultural Heritage in Eritrea , 1994

http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0009/000986/098638eo.pdf

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Thanks to Mahmoud Lobinet for sharing the link

Saturday, 3 February 2018

The Indigenous population of Eritrea by Alberto Pollera, in Italian, 1935



The Indigenous population of Eritrea by Alberto Pollera, in Italian, 1935:

Le Popolazioni Indigene Dell' Eritrea



http://www.mediafire.com/file/fdl5oqwpxso39k9/Indigenous+population+Eritrea+Pollera.pdf

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Source: http://www.centrocabral.com/1226/



Thanks to Mauro Ghermandi for making aware of the website

Thursday, 1 February 2018

I BARIA E I Cunama by Alberto Pollera 1913, a 351 page original monograph, in Italian

       الكتاب الاصلي عن الباريا والكوناما التي كتبها ألبرتو بوليرا عام ١٩١٣، وهي دراسة من ٣٥١  صفحة، باللغة الإيطالية   مع 
١٥٨ رسوم توضيحية و ٥٠ جداول، رسم تخطيطي وخريطة

                                         
I BARIA E I Cunama by Alberto Pollera 1913, a 351 page original monograph, in Italian on the Baria (Nara) and Kunama with 158 illustrations and with 50 Tables, a diagram and a map
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http://www.mediafire.com/file/3blvbu7cvpc56j2/Baria+e+i+cunama.pdf

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Source: http://www.centrocabral.com/1226/

Thanks to Mauro Ghermandi for making aware of the website

Old Maps of the Horn of Africa region from 1821

Old Maps of the region from 1821




https://digital.library.illinois.edu/search?utf8=%E2%9C%93&q=Eritrea

Bollettino della societa geografica italiana 1869

Bollettino della societa geografica italiana 1869









https://ia801408.us.archive.org/24/items/bollettinodella39italgoog/bollettinodella39italgoog.pdf

Friday, 26 January 2018

A collection of articles on the Oromo

A collection of articles on the Oromo

Sociocultural Origins of the Oromo National Movement in Ethiopia:


http://trace.tennessee.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1085&context=utk_socopubs

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Conquest, Tyranny, and Ethnocide against the Oromo: A Historical Assessment of Human Rights Conditions in Ethiopia, ca. 1880s–2002

http://www.osgaustralia.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/Conquest-Tyranny-in-Ethiopia-By-Dr.-Mohammed-Hassan.pdf
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The Struggle For Knowledge: The Case of Emergent Oromo Studies , a1996 article by Asafa Jalata

"Taking the Oromo as historical actors, the emergent Oromo studies identify some deficiencies of "Ethiopian studies" that primarily focus on the Amhara and Tigray ethnic groups and their rulers, and ignore the history of the Oromo people....."

The article can be assessed here:

http://trace.tennessee.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1093&context=utk_socopubs
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Islam, the orthodox Church and Oromo nationalism (Ethiopia):

http://journals.openedition.org/etudesafricaines/137

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Haile Selassie and American Missionaries: Inadvertent Agents of Oromo Identity in Ethiopia:

https://repository.lib.ncsu.edu/bitstream/handle/1840.16/844/etd.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y

Saturday, 20 January 2018

Muslim Egypt and Christian Abyssinia 1880


Moslem Egypt and Christian Abyssinia; Or, Military Service Under the Khedive, in his Provinces and Beyond their Borders, as Experienced by the American Staff


Description

William McEntyre Dye (1831–99) was a graduate of the United States Military Academy, a former colonel in the United States Army, and a veteran of the American Civil War. In late 1873, Dye entered the service of Ismail Pasha, the khedive of Egypt and Sudan, who was recruiting, with the assistance of General William T. Sherman, American officers to serve as advisors in his army. Egypt was at that time formally still part of the Ottoman Empire, but it exercised a high degree of autonomy. Dye served as assistant chief of staff in the Egyptian expedition against Abyssinia  (Ethiopia), which Ismail Pasha launched in 1875 to conquer territory on the Red Sea coast. This book, published after Dye’s return to the United States, contains an extensive, first-hand account of  the Abyssinian  campaign. Despite the involvement of the foreign officers, Ismail Pasha’s army suffered serious defeats in November 1875 and March 1876, which Dye described and analyzed. The book is also noteworthy for its accounts of expeditions undertaken for the khedive to Kordostan in central Sudan and Darfur in western Sudan. The appendix contains an annotated list of 25 American officers (veterans of both the Union and Confederate armies and navies) connected to military service in Egypt between 1869 and 1878.

Muslim Egypt and Christian Abyssinia:


Sunday, 14 January 2018

Handbooks on Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, Djibouti prepared by the British Foreign Office 1920

In preparation for the peace conference that was expected to follow World War I, in the spring of 1917 the British Foreign Office established a special section responsible for preparing background information for use by British delegates to the conference. In a series of more than 160 studies produced by the section, most of which were published after the conclusion of the 1919 Paris Peace Conference.

Eritrea:

Eritrea is Number 126 in a series of more than 160 studies produced by the section, most of which were published after the conclusion of the 1919 Paris Peace Conference. The book covers physical and political geography, political history, social and political conditions, and economic conditions. At the time the study was written, Eritrea was an Italian colony. With the encouragement of the Italian government, the Rubattino Shipping Company began acquiring territories from local sultans on the shores of the Red Sea as early as 1869, and in 1890 Italy consolidated its possessions on the Red Sea under the name Eritrea. The historical section traces the late-19th century struggle for influence and control in the region involving, at different times, Egypt, Turkey, Britain, and Abyssinia (Ethiopia). The economic section discusses prospects for development of the colony itself, chiefly as a location for Italian-owned plantations worked by indigenous labor, and its importance as an outlet to the sea for Abyssinia. Eritrea remained an Italian colony until World War II, when it was occupied by the British. In December 1952 it was federated with Ethiopia. After a long war of independence, it gained international recognition as an independent country on May 24, 1993.

https://dl.wdl.org/11917/service/11917.pdf
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Abyssinia:

Abyssinia is Number 129 in a series of more than 160 studies produced by the section, most of which were published after the conclusion of the 1919 Paris Peace Conference. The book includes sections on physical and political geography, political history, social and political conditions, and economic conditions. It summarizes the history of Abyssinia  (now known as Ethiopia) from its origins in Biblical times, through early contacts with Europeans in the 18th century, to the reign of Emperor Menelik II (1889−1913) and his victory over Italy in the war of 1895−96. The study notes that one of the principal results of the 1896 treaty of peace with Italy was “the recognition without reserve of the absolute independence of the Ethiopian Empire as a sovereign and independent state.” The book discusses the Ethiopian Church and its relationship to the Coptic Church of Egypt, as well as the Muslim, Jewish, and animist minorities living in the country. The economic section emphasizes the low level of agricultural and industrial productivity and the feudal system of land tenure. Foreign trade was beginning to grow, with the main exports being coffee beans and cattle hides.



British Somaliland:

British Somaliland (the northwest part of present-day Somalia) was a British protectorate, established in 1884−7, after a period of rivalry between Britain and Egypt (then nominally still part of the Ottoman Empire) for control of the territory on the African side of the Gulf of Aden. Sokotra (part of present-day Yemen) is an island in the Indian Ocean lying south of the Arabian Peninsula, which became a British protectorate in 1886. Both British Somaliland and Sokotra were regarded as strategically important for controlling the ocean trade routes from the Suez Canal to India, Australia, and the Far East. The book includes sections on physical and political geography, political history, social and political conditions, and economic conditions. The section on political history summarizes the parts played by Great Britain, France, and Italy in this region of Africa and recounts the recurring difficulties the British and Italians had in subjugating the local religious leader and Somali nationalist Sayid Mohammed Abdullah Hassan, a man the British called "the Mad Mullah," who preached holy war against the colonial powers and the neighboring Abyssinians (Ethiopians). The economic section notes the underdeveloped state of both protectorates, observing, for example, that there “are no roads in British Somaliland in the European sense of the word.”

https://dl.wdl.org/11787/service/11787.pdf
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Italian Somaliland:

Italian Somaliland is Number 128 in a series of more than 160 studies produced by the section, most of which were published after the conclusion of the 1919 Paris Peace Conference. Italian Somaliland (part of the present-day Republic of Somalia) came under Italian control in early 1889, when the sultan of Obbia (present-day Hobyo) concluded a treaty with Italy placing his dominions along the coast of the Indian Ocean under Italian protection. Southern Somaliland was made an Italian crown colony in 1910, while Northern Somaliland remained an Italian protectorate, “ruled by local Sultans, over whose actions the Italian Government exercises only indirect political control.” The book includes sections on physical and political geography, political history, social and political conditions, and economic conditions. It chronicles the establishment of Italian control and the demarcation of boundaries between Italian Somaliland and British East Africa and Abyssinia (Ethiopia). The section on social and political conditions is brief and stresses the strict Islamic faith of the Somali tribes. The study discusses the commitment of the Italians to turning Italian Somaliland into an economically profitable colony but notes the many obstacles to be overcome, including the dry climate and shortages of water, the lack of qualified labor for agricultural work, and the rudimentary transport network. It notes the prevalence of slavery in the southern part of the colony.

https://dl.wdl.org/11876/service/11876.pdf

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French Somaliland:

French Somaliland is Number 109 in a series of more than 160 studies produced by the section, most of which were published after the conclusion of the 1919 Paris Peace Conference. British Somaliland and Sokotra is Number 97 in the series; Italian Somaliland is Number 128. French Somaliland (present-day Djibouti) is located on the eastern coast of Africa, bordered at that time by the Italian colony of Eritrea, Abyssinia (present-day Ethiopia), and British Somaliland (part of present-day Somalia). The book contains sections on physical and political geography, political history, social and political conditions, and economic conditions. Included is a brief discussion of the population of the colony, which was comprised of two main groups, the Danakil (also known as the Afar), and the Issa Somalis. The section on political history summarizes the process by which France came to control the territory, beginning with the cession of the port of Obok by local chiefs in 1856 and ending with the conclusion of treaties of protection with the sultans of Tajura and Gobad and the chiefs of the Issa Somalis in 1884–85. The study notes that the economic value of French Somaliland derived almost entirely from its position as a transportation hub. It was the terminus of the railroad from the port of Djibouti to Ethiopia and a “convenient coaling station and port of call for vessels trading with the East, particularly with the French Asiatic possessions, and with Eastern Africa and Madagascar.” French Somaliland was renamed the Territory of the Afars and the Issas in 1967 and became independent as the Republic of Djibouti in 1977.

https://dl.wdl.org/11884/service/11884.pdf