نضال الشعب الإريتري من أين أين: تقييم الجبهة الثعبية لتحرير شعب ، تقراي ١٩٨٥. الجزء الاول وفيه تفاصيل عن علاقاتهم
وحربهم ضد جبهة التحرير الارترية. الجزء الثاني سيتناول علاقتهم مع الجبهة الشعبية
The ELF, EPLF in Eritrea and the TPLF in
Tigray were all fiercely competing for space and influence in their own areas
and the areas controlled by the neighbouring organizations in the 1970s. TLF was eliminated by TPLF and EPRP
and EDU had also smaller presence. By 1978, this competition was taking place
while Ethiopia initiated a wide campaign to regain the liberated areas. This is
an assessment (ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካበይ ናበይ /ግምገማ) written by the
TPLF in 1985. Highlights translated from Tigrinya and any errors in
translation, my responsibility. Part I covers in detail the relations of TPLF
to the ELF. Part II will follow which will cover in detail relations with EPLF:
The struggle of
the Eritrean people from where to where: An assessment
TPLF publication,
1985
The
Weyane and its relations to the Eritrean people
Part I: The justness of the Eritrean
question
1.
The Weyane and its relations to the
struggle of the Eritrean people
-
Analysis of the Eritrean question:
A.
Historical
B.
Legal
C.
Political Economy
D.
Summary
2.
The stand of Ethiopians on the
Eritrean question
A.
The importance of having a just
stand
B.
Factors that hinder Ethiopians from
taking a just stand
C.
Different stands taken by
Ethiopians
Part II: The relations of Weyane to the
struggle of the Eritrean people
1.
The principled basis of our
relations
2.
Our relations to the ELF
A.
The principled stand to our
relations
B.
The process by which our relations
worsened
C.
The military conflict with the ELF
and the way it was handled
D.
The situation that was created
after the military conflict
3.
Our relations to the EPLF
A.
The principled basis of our
relations
B.
Differences and how it was handled
C.
Evaluation of our current relations
Part III: What the Weyane has got to do in
Eritrea
1.
Brief analysis of the current
situation in Eritrea
2.
What is the fundamental solution
A.
The establishment of a democratic
organization and a workers’ party
B.
The problems that may arise in the
establishment of such a force
C.
What has to be done to establish
such a force
D.
What is a temporary solution
A brief summary:
- On the justness of the Eritrean cause,
it is stated, “The question of the Eritrean people, when looked at from a
historical, legal and political economy aspects, is no different from any other
African or otherwise just national liberation struggle.”
- Ethiopia is not a country that has a 3000
years shared history, different parts of what is Ethiopia today can have their
own history of 3000 years or more than that. Ethiopia with a centralized
government is about 100 years old. It started with the rule of Menelik.
On TPLF principled basis of the relations
with the Eritrean people; it is stated, “The basis for our relationship is not
based on getting support from armed force in our neighbourhood, it is not also
based on the close language and cultural relations. It is rather based on the
our stand about the justness of the Eritrean struggle, on our standthat the
Eritrean question is a colonial question. Like all other relations our stand
towards the Eritrean question gradually became more clear and more solid
through time, we also believed that taking a just stand on the Eritrean
question is not only for the sake of the Eritrean people but it is also for the
sake of the struggle of the Ethiopian people. The TPLF worked on its members
also to have a right stand. Our stand is based on our own convictions and was
not meant to please, any one. We will also pursue our correct convictions in
the future. In the last 10 years we have made great strides in terms of our
cooperation with Eritrean political organizations. As much as Eritrean
organizations’ support to the Tigrian peoples’ struggle was crucial so was
Weyane support to the struggle of the Eritrean people crucial, too. We do not
regard our support to the Eritrean cause as a great contribution, but what we
regard as great contribution is to make the Ethiopian people in general and the
Tigrean people, in particular to believe in the just cause of the Eritrean
people. “
On the relations with the ELF
“ When the TPLF was formed, the ELF was
one of the Eritrean national organizations and thus had relations with it and
its principled stand was based on Weyane’s recognition of the just cause of the
Eritrean people. Even before the beginning of Weyane’s armed struggle, we tried
to have relations with it because we were convinced that both ELF and EPLF
represented Eritrean people aspirations. When we started armed struggle, we
also put efforts to have good relations with the ELF; and though the ELF did
not formally declare that they were against relations with us, the relations
were not to the level we aspired for. It was during this period the unity
process between TPLF and TLF (Tigray Liberation Front) did not go, as planned.
The leaders of the TLF were found to have killed others and so they were
arrested by TPLF. Those who had separated from TLF either dispersed or joined
the TPLF. TLF had close relations to ELF and ELF considered TLF as their own
and some security members of the ELF were involved in the killings, ELF
interpreted the actions taken by TPLF leadership in a distorted way. In
addition to that because the TPLF had some limited cooperation with EPLF, the
ELF considered TPLF as extension of EPLF in Tigray.
The measures taken by the TPLF regarding
some of the leadership of the TLF was considered by the ELF as a step taken to
weaken the ELF presence in Tigray. Based on this the ELF started to threaten
the newly formed TPLF. The TPLF recognised an important issue from the stand of
the ELF. Their support to Tigriyan organizations was not based on a principled
stand based on mutual respect, but was an attempt to create their influence in
Tigray. TPLF understood that they will evaluate the struggle in Tigray from the
point of view, whether it was a supporter of ELF or EPLF. But TPLF, realizing
that sour relations with the ELF is not going to serve both peoples struggle,
tried its best to improve relations with the ELF. From this understanding, the
TPLF leadership sent a delegation to the ELF to explain what happened with the
TLF. The ELF leadership was not convinced, so the ELF was allowed to send a
committee, including central committee member to the TPLF to investigate the
issue. The ELF delegation was allowed to meet in private with the jailed TLF
leadership. The ELF delegation also met individually with those members of the
TPL who decided to join the TPLF. After this investigation, the ELF leadership
was forced to accept the decision of the TPLF, and realised that they had no
excuse to attack the TPLF. After this incident, though the TPLF worked hard to
normalize the relations with the ELF, but its efforts di not bear fruit.
Though it did not include material
cooperation, but both organizations signed the first joint communique in
October 1976 (1969 E.C.) This joint communique reflected the parental attitude
of the ELF. The ELF through a history that it has created, it used to
administer almost the whole area of upper Adiabo in Tigray. Though we knew this
was not correct, we accepted it believing that it could be resolved gradually
at a later stage. The ELF asked to organize militias and and mass organizations
in areas in Tigray. We agreed that they can do that in areas where Eritreans
residing there were a majority. After this agreement the Central Committee of
the TPLF prepared a study on the nature of the relations with the ELF.
Previously after the 2nd congress of the ELF, where a political
program was adopted there was a conviction
that the ELF was a democratic organization. To deepen this, a deeper study was
conducted on the ELF. On that study it was made clear that the influence of
feudalist elements within the ELF was big and that the ELF did not take any
stand to weaken feudalism in Eritrea.
It became clear in the study that the ELF
compromised class struggle and has increased the influence of feudalists and as
the result of this; it was coordinating with feudal lords and their
organizations in Tigray. It was concluded that as the ELF lacked an
anti-feudalist stand and action, it can not be a true democratic organization,
but a nationalist one. But as a mere nationalist organization, it was decided
to have close relations to the ELF. The TPLF also concluded later that the ELF
was not anti-imperialist, too and that was a correct stand since then. If a
correct analysis on the ELF was done earlier, it would have been clear much
earlier that it was not anti-feudalist. This analysis that the ELF was not
anti-feudalist and was not anti-imperialist was kept at the level of the Central
Committee of the TPLF; it was noted that if the ELF knew our stand it could
attack us militarily. We agreed to have this analysis regarding the ELF, but
did not make it public or drive a propaganda against it. This was a wrong decision.
In relations with organizations it is important to make your differences clear
but work together on issues of mutual interest. But such a policy was not there
at that time.
By the end of 1977 (1969 E.C.) when EDU
(Ethiopian Democratic Union) conducted operations in Humera, the TPLF knew that
it had the support of the ELF. This action of the ELF consolidated its position
that the ELF was not anti-feudal. When the EDU conducted operations against the
TPLF and had upper hand in the lowlands of western Tigray, TPLF knew this was
because of full support of the ELF, including informing EDU about the movements
of the TPLF. This consolidated the view of the TPLF that if the ELF could find
an organization in Tigray that served its interests, it would not hesitate to
eliminate the TPLF. But despite all this the TPLF decided to continue to have
relations with it as a nationalist organization until it resorts to military
action against it. By the end of 1977, and beginning of 1978, when some
elements in TPLF left the organization after the line they pursued was exposed;
the ELF embraced such elements and tried its best to extract secrets of the
TPLF from them. It became clear the ELF tried to form an organization in Tigray
from those elements.
The TPLF concluded that the ELF is
following a weak relationship with TPLF until such time it creates its own
puppet organization in Tigray. It was further noted that if the ELF succeeded
in creating a puppet Tigriyan organization, it will not hesitate to take
military measures against the TPLF. By 1977, the ELF realized that it was
unable to form an organization of those who left the TPLF. EDU was also
eliminated from the field and took refuge in the Sudan. The Ethiopian Peoples’
Revolutionary Party (Ihaba) was also eliminated from Tigray and took
refuge in Eritrea. The ELF then started to improve its relations with TPLF and
during the period the Dergue conducted a wide offensive and the ELF and TPLF
coordinated to face that offensive. This continued until the beginnings of 1978
(1971 E.C.)
Though there were was no very good
relations, but one cannot state that
their cooperation did not play any part to strengthen the struggle of both
people. Both coordinated in different battles, particularly during the Dergue
campaign of 1978. Fighters of both ELF and TPLF they have fallen together
fighting a common enemy. Though looking at it at from the wide cooperation they
would have had, it is regarded minimal. But that even that limited cooperation
had a big impact.
One issue of importance in the
relationship was the possibility of passing through each others’ controlled
territory. TPLF had the right to pass through ELF controlled territories and
though there were difficulties, this had greatly helped the TPLF to establish
foreign relations. The ELF also had the right to pass through TPLF controlled
territories. Not only that but it had also the right to organize militias and
mass organizations and even to administer some areas. If the ELF leadership was
genuine to exploit this in a proper manner, it could have given the Eritrea’s
peoples struggle great boast. There was a lot of propaganda at that time. ELF
leaders used to state that it was the ELF who armed the TPLF and helped it to
develop. It was told that TPLF was only a recipient of ELF support. This was
not correct. For the record, the only help that TPLF got from ELF was 124 automatic and semi-automatic
weapons. TPLF gave the ELF small vehicles, bulldozer that helps in making roads
and other items. The most important thing to be stated in this regard, it is
not the material support or material loans that define a relationship. Any
material support is meant to help an organization to struggle. The result is
that it is not only helping the recipient organization, it is also meant to
support the supporting organization, too. This is not meant to say we gave more
material aid to the ELF than they gave us. If it were possible, we would have
even given more; as that would have helped both peoples’ struggle, and we are
not sorry for the help we gave. It is not meant to undermine the help we got
from the ELF. We just want to make it clear that the claim that the ELF was always
the giver and TPLF always was recipient was false.
How things got worse
One of the main reasons was the political
view of the ELF leadership. By compromising class struggle, it intention was
make the future Eritrea, a country of the oppressing classes. The land reform
that TPLF conducted adjacent to Eritrea may have been seen by the ELF as a bad
example. The basic reason for the ELF leadership to be suspicious and doubtful
about the ELF was their class struggle compromise. It was for this reason they
tried from the beginning to create a Tigriyan organization that shares their
views. In addition to that the ‘Big ELF’ mentality (Jebha Abbay) could not
think of equal relations to a newly formed TPLF. Though the TPLF showed
patience in its relations with the ELF, but it was not ready to be a messenger
of ELF or any other organization. Maintaining a fully independent line, was not
something that could be accepted by the ELF.
By mid of 1977, when the TPLF was steadily
gaining ground and the ELF was going downhill, the ELF leadership’s fear of
having a Tigriyan organization that does not work under their instructions,
increased. So they increased their efforts to get rid of TPLF before it got
strong. Another factor that worsened the relations with the ELF was the internal
contradictions within ELF and EPLF. Having good relations with one of the
Eritrean organizations was seen as targeting the other. When the relations
between TPLF and EPLF improved after 1977, this increased the suspicions that
ELF had about TPLF.
Due to all those factors, the relations
between TPLF and ELF deteriorated sharply as of 1978. TPLF was forbidden to
pass through ELF controlled territory. At the end of 1978, ELF and EPRP signed
a secret pact to eliminate the ELF. The relations of TPLF and EPRP had reached
almost a confrontational level. The elimination of EPRP from Tigray, it wanted
to control the strategic areas of western Tigray and it was ready to ally with
the ‘devil’ to reach its goals. The ELF was also keen that the strategic areas
of western Tigray to be under a friendly organization. There was no common
political platform between the EPRP and ELF. The ELF saw the Soviet Union as a
revolutionary force and that its stand regardin Eritrea only was not correct.
It saw the Soviet Union support to the Derge as contribution against
anti-imperialism. EPRP had the stand that the Derge and its supporter the USSR
were enemies of the Ethiopian people; but to the ELF both the Derge and the USS
Soviet Union were progressive forces, in principle. Thus their only common
enemy was the TPLF.
The TPLF had reached through its own
sources that both ELF and EPRP were planning to attack the TPLF. The EPRP with
the support of the ELF were conducting provocative measures. They were sending
spies to assess the ground. The preventive
measure to be taken by the TPLF was to force the EPRP away from the area
so that they did not get adjacent to the ELF controlled area. EPRP was operating
in the Welgait area. Therefore it had the chance to have direct links to the
ELF. It was clear that if there was a joint operation from Welgait and Gash,
there was danger that the TPLF could lose the strategic western areas of
Tigray. Therefore the choice for the TPLF was to eliminate the EPRP from
Wolgait and cut its access to the ELF and as a result the ELF would lose the
chance of forming an organization that could be the alternative to TPLF. Due to
those reason the TPLF conducted operation in the beginning of 1980 to clear
Wolgait from EPRP. The ELF and EPRP both realized this move was against their
plans and thus both began to coordinate their efforts. The ELF began a show of
force in the vicinity of Sheraro and we were forced to decrease the units that
were attacking EPRP. The ELF then started targeting the TPLF. When we attacked
EPRP, the ELF attacked our units on December 1979.
The armed conflict with ELF and how it was
handled:
The first TPLF target of the ELF was to
carry a sudden attack on our base in Adwa Awraja, along Belesa river (in the
border with Eritrea). Because we never expected the ELF to attack us openly and
as the attack was sudden we sustained damage. When this happened the TPLF did
not retaliate but opted to resolve it peacefully. We expressed our objection to
the leadership of the ELF and informed the other organizations, but informed
our units to stay on alert. But the ELF pursued its aggression. It is fair to
resolve differences peacefully but can not tolerate the force that comes to eliminate
you. The ELF and EPRP attacked our forces near Welgait. We continued a wide
campaign to stop this aggression from the ELF. We involved Eritreans who live
in the area to stop it. We also conducted the forces we considered ELF could
listen to, Meetings were conducted between both leadership. Both organizations
agreed to keep their forces within their borders. The agreement was signed in
Kassala. But the ELF could not abide by the agreement. Both ELF and EPRP forces
tried to control Shiraro. TPLF ambushed them at Gemhalo, about 10 kms from
Shiraro and they were forced to retreat. We followed them and they sustained
heavy casualties. Even after tha,t we tried our best to resolve the differences
peacefully as matter of principle and not due fear from ELF attacks.
As our main bases were close to the
Eritrean border, it meant that most of our forces were to guard against ELF
attacks. We had two options, either to have most of our units on guard at the
border, compromising our struggle or to cross the border and teach the ELF a
lesson that will make opt for a peaceful option. We took the second option and
while we were preparing for that, the relations between the ELF and EPLF got
worse. The ELF withdrew its forces from the positions they held in the Sahel
and thus we were forced to cover those positions for the sake of the Eritrean
and Tigrean peoples struggle. It was
also during this time the ELF was negotiating with the Derg and the Soviet
Union. We began to doubt it were genuine on its struggle for independence. EPLF
and ELF went into war. The EPLF used to state that their contradiction with the
ELF cannot be resolved peacefully. It was inevitable that the EPLF will go to
war with the ELF and there was nothing we could do to stop it.
We had our own reasons to go to war with
ELF. But there were many questions to be answered, shall we coordinate our
efforts with EPLF and cross the border to attack the ELF? Shall we limit our
selves to fight it in Tigray. If we cross the border and attack the ELF, will
it be considered interference in the internal affairs in Eritrea? Our stand was
clear, even if we coordinate with the EPLF to attack ELF, it was not meant to
interfere in the internal affairs. We were almost at war with ELF for about a
year and we were doing it to protect ourselves. Whether we coordinate with EPLF
or not , there would be no difference in the nature of war. Our war with ELF
was not meant to support EPLF, but a just war to protect our existence. We
opted to coordinate our efforts with EPLF so that the ELF leadership could come
to its senses soon and choose a peaceful path. In the beginning of 1980, we
started joint military operations against ELF.
While the war was going on, we
tried to our best to stop the war and resolve the pending issues but the ELF
did not head. The ELF forces entered the Sudan.
The main reason for the defeat of the ELF
was not the joint attack of the EPLF and TPLF, though it had an influence. The
ELF was defeated because of a long internal conflict within it that has been
simmering for a long time. When the ELF entered the Sudan, the largest part of
its army and itsweapons were intact. What the ELF lost during the joint attack
was less its losses during its attempt to liberate Barentu. The joint attack
has no doubt contributed to sharpen the internal difference. Irrespective of
what happened, it is the ELF leadership and not TPLF that takes responsibility.
It was the ELF leadership that forced us to go to war with it. We have tried
our best to resolve the differences peacefully. Our relations with the ELF were
much better than those with the EPLF. We evaluated both organizations as
nationalist organizations, though it was also clear that the ELF had a tendency
to compromise with the enemy (Derge) than the EPLF. We could have a better
relation with one rather than the other based on how they approached us, but we
never had any reason to fight one of them together with the other.
As indicated we had differences with the
ELF. The ELF regarded the lowlands of Adiabo in Tigray as part of Eritrea. But
TPLF did not go to war with ELF due to border differences. The border issue is
important to the TPLF from one aspect only; so that it knows the areas in which
its activities will be focussed on. Outside that TPLF acknowledges that it
neither has the aim or the capacity to defend Tigray’s borders. It aim is to
assert the right of the people of Tigray for self-determination. It is only the
people of Tigray who will decide if Tigray will form an independent government
or will live with the rest the Ethiopian people. So the people of Tigrary will
decide the borders of Tigray when they get the right to self-determination. If
the people of Tigray decide to join the rest of Ethiopa, then it is that
democratic government which will decide the borders. If the Tigray people opt
for secession then it is the democratic Tigriyan government which will decide
the borders.
This does not mean there cannot be
agreements on borders during the struggle period. This may be useful for both
Eritrean and Tigriyan organizations. But this must not be based on hear and say
but on principled basis. As Eritrea was a colony this has to be based on
treaties signed between Menelik and the Italians. But there could be problems
in terms of implementation as those borders were drawn on maps but not
demarcated on land. There could be areas where the belong to one country on the
map, but may be administered by the other country. Those issues can be resolved
through understanding. Any way TPLF accepts that Eritrean and Ethiopian organizations
can agree on temporary borders if there was need for that. This also has to
based on historical understandings. Even if they could not finalize this, it is
not an issue.
The organizations cannot finalize borders
any way. Until the people decide on their own way, the organizations can agree
on general working agreements. We had many misunderstandings with ELF
leadership regarding border issues. Due to its expansionist policies, the ELF
used to organize militias, form mass organizations even in undisputed Tigriyan
territories, but we treated that with patience. It later wither from those
indisputable territories and so the border issue could have not been a cause
for dispute.
The ELF also used to propagate that it war
with TPLF was because TPLF abused Eritreans, but this is also a false claim.
The ELF from the beginning used to abuse and mistreat Tigriyans who lived in
Eritrea. Any organization that claims it is fighting for a just cause and for
the masses could do such things. So you would not expect it to care about
Eritreans in Tigray from a human rights perspective. Most Eritreans used to
live in western Tigray and those can be classified into two groups. There are
those who are settled and own land and there are those pastoralists who move
with their cattle. TPLF looks into those in two ways: Those are originally from
Eritrea, physically and mentally. They not only care about Eritrean people
struggle, but they have to participate in it. Their stay in Tigray should not
deter them from participating.
The TPLF looks at them from two aspects.
First of all, they are physically and mentally Eritreans. They are not only
interested in the struggle of the Eritrean people, but they want to participate
in it. Their stay in Tigray shall not hinder them from that participation. Even
though TPLF has the duty to inform them about the Eritrean people struggle; any
Eritrean organization can organize them through different means. The TPLF can
not only allow them to be part of the peoples’ militia of Eritrean
organization, but can arm them for that purpose. Secondly, because there are residents of
Tigray, they have duties and obligations like the people of Tigray. Therefore
if the TPLF carries land reform in Tigray, then the Eritreans there will be
subject to this land reform. If the feudal lords in the affected areas got
irritated by the measures, the Eritrean landlords will also get irritated. This
protects the rights of both Tigriyan and Eritrean masses’ rights. When we take
those measures, the ELF leadership will shout that Eritreans in Tigray are
mistreated. Why? Because the ELF leadership does not look equally towards the
down trodden masses of Eritrea and Tigray. According to the ELF this is applicable
not only to Tigriyans in Eritrea, but also to Eritreans in Tigray. ELF believes
that Eritreans everywhere have to handled better than Tigriyans. The ELF does
not believe in class struggle. According to it all its country men are
Eritreans. If land is taken from an Eritrean feudal lord and distributed to
poor farmers in Tigray or Eritrea, it shouts land has been taken from Eritreans.
We in TPLF can not discriminate between a feudal lord from Tigray or Eritrea.”
The situation that resulted after the
military conflict with the ELF
After the ELF forces entered the Sudan, it
disintegrated into three parts. Our primary duty then was to study if the three
splinter groups were national organizations or not and to asses if the want to
resolve issues with TPLF peacefully or not, and this takes time. The TPLF is
willing to cooperate with in any Eritrean national organization. Even though we
went into military conflict but we are ready to cooperate with all ELF national
organizations. There is a side who will be held responsible for the blood shed.
The ELF leadership will be held responsible for this one day. Even if there are
ELF groups that are not national, there will be no reason that we enter with
them into armed conflicts. It is the duty of the Eritrean people to decide
which ones are national and which ones are not. It is not our duty. As far as
we are concerned we are not willing to cooperate with a non-national
organization. Even though we can not cooperate with such organizations, we can
still live peacefully with it, until it does not threaten our existence. If the
splinter groups of the ELF would like to live in peace with us, we will not
only do the same but we will even cooperate with the national ones. We have had
discussions with them to be able to study them. The results will be seen in the
future.”
Part II will deal with their assessment of
the EPLF
----------------------------------
The book can be downloaded from the link below:
http://www.mediafire.com/file/ypbsmj56zu6itod/TPLF+Analysis_+where+to+where+1985_Good+2.pdf
----------------------------------
The book can be downloaded from the link below:
http://www.mediafire.com/file/ypbsmj56zu6itod/TPLF+Analysis_+where+to+where+1985_Good+2.pdf
https://plus.google.com/+MohamedKheirOmerEritrea/posts/imdnQSKrBJg
-----------------------------------------------
For a more objective neutral assessment of the relations of TPLF to both ELF may be assessed here: This looks into the historical relationship between the Tigriyan speaking people in both Eritrea and Tigray:
Divided Histories, Opportunistic Alliances: Background Notes on the Ethiopian-Eritrean War by Richard M. Trivelli, Africa Spectrum, Vol. 33, No. 3 (1998), pp. 257-289
https://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&pid=sites&srcid=ZGVmYXVsdGRvbWFpbnxtYWRvdGVuZXdzfGd4OjI1ZjRjNGQ5NWM4ZmQ2OWY&pli=1
------
Another freely accessible article that sheds light on those relations is:
OLD PROBLEMS IN NEW CONFLICTS: SOME OBSERVATIONS ON ERITREA AND ITS RELATIONS WITH TIGRAY, FROM LIBERATION STRUGGLE TO INTER-STATE WAR by Richard Reid
http://dro.dur.ac.uk/397/1/397.pdf?DDD17+dac0hsg+dhi0ts
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