The Road To NCDC:
Challenges And Opportunities
Posted at awate.com on July 12, 2011
These are the main highlights of the presentation I
gave in a seminar in Birmingham on 09.07. 2011. The seminar was organized by
Eritrean Cultural Forum in Birmingham:
Stock assessment:
·
Our basic background: What?
-Will always be part of us
·
How we dealt/ deal with
it? -Our experience
·
How does it look? Where we
stand? -What have we learned/ did not learn?
·
NCDC (National Conference
for Democratic Change) -a means to an end
Our geographical Contrasts:
·
Highland – lowland
·
Plateau to Red Sea
·
Landscape in Dankalia:
Formidable desert, artistic volcanic rocks, ostriches
·
Massawa – global gateway: Citizens
of the Red Sea
·
Geographical contrasts
influence cultural, economic, social & political contrasts
Our social contrasts:
·
Muslim / Christian /animist
·
Farmer / Pastoral / traders
·
Ethnicity (homogeneity
/diversity
Our political contrasts:
·
Local: ELF / EPLF (PFDJ)
·
Region: Arab /
Israeli
·
Memberships in regional and
international organisations
Our main problems with our contrasts:
·
Denial of the other
(Exclusion / Negation)
·
Failure to cherish, to
value, to enjoy the diversity
·
We define with one
perspective
·
Claiming to be vanguard: I
know what is good for you (elitist arrogance)
·
Failure to read and
understand history
·
Failure to reach out to all
internally & externally
·
There is place only for one
political organization (party), line of thought
·
You agree with me 100 % or
you are my enemy
·
You show you are good by
attacking others not highlighting your merits
History of conflict resolution:
·
Culture of violence
·
Resolving conflicts through
force:
·
ELF – ELM
·
ELF – PLF
·
Within ELF: ‘yemin’ ‘falol’
·
Within EPLF: ‘yemin’
‘menkae’
·
Proliferation of
organizations, if disagree can have ones own organization
Consequences of the defeat of the ELF and hegemony
of the EPLF
·
Proliferation of political
organizations
·
Appearance of religious and
ethnic based organizations
·
EPLF social engineering of
tigrinization in all fields, defining ethnicity
·
Sowing of strong mistrust
among Eritreans to the extent of questioning living together
·
Still some claim we are
perfect: regime has done us no harm
Positive development in the last decade:
·
ENA/EDA a positive
development: a political exercise for tolerance & democratic practice
though far from perfect
·
A rift within EPLF/PFDJ
leadership: G13, G15
·
Development of civic
societies in the Diaspora
·
NCDC: a breakthrough in
bridging differences & Bringing us together again
·
Vibrant opposition media
·
Exposure of regime’s
brutality & self isolation & excesses
Current characteristics of our political and civic
organizations
·
Both are weak
·
Limited in influence
(constituency)
·
Some have few members
·
Divided by our contrasts:
most dominated by ethnic, religious, regional despite national claims
·
Some are not independent
·
Some elitist to say the
least
·
Need not under- or overestimate
each other
The need to work together:
·
We are under very special
circumstances
·
We need to mobilize all
resources against the brutal dictatorial regime that does not give any
breathing space: urgent
·
NCDC meant to do that, best
possible alternative we have, if some have a better alternative present it
·
Civic societies can have a
positive influence on political organizations
·
Can play their role from
within not from outside
·
Practicing democracy
·
Working together widens
diversity and promotes tolerance
·
We will always have
differences in policies, approach & processes: healthy
Towards changing the regime, we need a code of
conduct:
·
To respect each other’s
choice of struggle
·
To refrain from defaming
each other
·
To tolerate each other’s
views
·
There is no absolute truth
·
Only history will show who
was correct
·
Talk and listen to those
with different opinion
·
To show one is better by
focusing on own merits not on failures of opponents
How was the road to the national conference in
2010:
·
There was a concerted
effort by EPDP (though was part of the process) and its affiliates to foil it
with ‘meskerem’ leadership (same trend again)
·
To disagree OK, defame NO
·
It was portrayed:
– an all Muslims conference
– An agenda of the Weyane
– Badly prepared
– Papers not discussed beforehand
– An agenda of the Weyane
– Badly prepared
– Papers not discussed beforehand
·
Despite all thorns, it was
a success
Why the 2010 conference was a success:
·
Widest peoples’ dialogue in
the last 3 decades irrespective of outcome vs. ‘waelaa halibo’
·
A journey of discovery
& healing & understanding
·
Microcosm of Eritrea:
ethnic, religious, political diversity
·
Bridged the gaps
·
Improved trust
·
Created alliance of civic
and political organizations
·
Laid foundation for a new
relationship with Ethiopia
·
Touched and discussed and
agreed on all major issues
·
Paved the way for a
transitional phase after the fall of the regime to avoid vacuum
·
Created a wide popular
global movement for democratic change
·
Paved the way for a wider
national conference
·
Gave hope to the Eritrean
people & scared the regime
·
Those who opposed it became
even more marginalized: split of EPDP
The shortcomings of the 2010 conference:
·
Translation problem: Papers
& communiqué
·
Logistics problem: tickets
& reservations
·
Financial dependency
·
Some documents prepared in
haste
·
No input on strategy for
regime change
·
The papers presented were
not discussed beforehand
·
Ineffective use of time
·
No clear cut roles of EDA
& NCDC
On those who attended: how Amanuel Sahle described
it
·
All were there:
·
The victim of Shaebia who
fled to Shimelba or Mai Aini
·
including the regionalist,
·
the fanatic,
·
the odd man out,
·
the pain in the neck,
·
the provocateur,
·
the nihilist,
·
the killjoy,
·
the schizophrenic (whose
mind swayed between PFDJ and the Wa’ala),
·
the ELF member with a
grudge in his heart,
·
the painter,
·
the poet, the
·
singer, etc.
·
All came to listen and to
be heard.
On the road to the next conference: Challenges
related to process & procedures
·
Build trust to ensure
widest participation
·
Transparency
·
Representation:
organizations, civil societies, individuals, election of representatives
·
Finance: fund raising
·
Facing elite internet
warriors: we only possess the truth
·
Political organizations
& civic organizations appreciating roles of each other
·
How to deal with areas of
disagreement
·
Translation: need to ensure
high quality
·
Decisions & ownership
·
Future structural
organizational choices: How far we should go & clarify roles
·
Need more work in Sudan
& Ethiopia to ensure broader qualitative participation
·
Focus on mobilizing the
youth & women
·
Engage actively to assist
asylum seekers and refugees
·
Make best use of social
media and networking
·
The regime is scared of any
opposition gathering
·
The regime will unleash a
campaign spearheaded by ‘meskerem’ and its other satellites against its
convening and later try to discredit the outcome
·
We need to expose this and
challenge it, but need to listen to genuine concerns
·
Some will even attend and
try to distract us from within
·
There will be some in the
opposition who will not attend for various reasons which is within their
rights: Let us refrain from defaming them even if they do so
·
Misconception &
underestimation that all those who opt to attend are homogenous, have same
opinion and understanding and will try enforce their views on others: far from
it they are very diverse
Challenges related to issues:
·
Agenda: draft transitional
constitution: need & how far to go/ others
·
Peaceful/all means: EDF are
victim, not to be targeted
·
Issues missing:
–
Mechanisms & strategies of regime change
– National
reconciliation (included in transitional council item 64/65 + peace &
peoples interaction 70/
– Peace & order
·
Relations with Ethiopia
·
Future organizational
structure
–what form How far
·
Future role of EDA/
individual political organizations
Opportunities:
·
Assert that ultimate power lies
within the People of Eritrea and whatever we do or programs we suggest has to
be ratified in free Eritrea
·
We have the luxury of being
able to express ourselves freely and we have every right to draft mechanisms,
suggest roadmap or charter to facilitate smooth transfer of power
·
Can mobilize all our
resources for a regime change and creation of democratic country
·
Can give our people hope
that we stand together
·
Can send a strong message
to international community that we are a better alternative to the regime
·
Those who become members of
the transitional structure not to run for office in the first elections
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